Friday, June 26, 2015

Transparency in taxation cardinal to democracy : By Pavan Duggal, M Padmakshan

Deccan Chronicle: Mumbai: Friday, 26 June 2015.
Transparency should be a cardinal feature of a tax administration functioning under a democratic set-up. Without transparency, democracy would not survive. And transparency would be conspicuous by its absence in any other form of political structure.
Therefore, the income-tax (I-T) department, which is vested with the arduous task of taxing the people, has an added responsibility to be transparent, merely because of the uniqueness of its mission i.e. to take away from the populace a significant part of their earnings. Apparently, the task is sensitive and delicate, and, therefore, needs to be carried out with utmost care. However, if the taxpayer is allowed the freedom to know how the money was taken and the purpose for which the money is used and its journey back to society that the taxpayer is part of, it is a way of comforting those who are uncomfortable parting with their income.
There is a need to reassure the taxpayer that his money is well spent. All this can be done only if taxation is administered in a transparent way. The refusal last week by a high court to give out the details of income-tax returns of Ajit Pawar is a case in point. A crusader activist, Shailesh Gandhi, had asked for the details of former Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar’s income-tax return. The high court refused.
The refusal was on the ground that the petitioner could not prove that the petition was in public interest. “I had felt that the Girish Ramchandra Deshpande judgment by the Supreme Court had constricted RTI by expanding the scope of Section 8(1) (J) far beyond law and, hence, tried to get the I-T returns of Ajit Pawar through RTI,” Shailesh Gandhi told media.
The following is the gist of the Supreme Court order in the case of Girish Ramchandra Deshpande.
In the order delivered on October 3, 2012, Justice KS Radhakrishnan and Justice Dipak Misra held that the details disclosed by a person in his income-tax returns are ‘personal information’ which stand exempted from disclosure under Clause (J) of Section 8(1) of the RTI Act, unless it involves a larger public interest.
The apex court further said the petitioner in the instant case has not made a bona fide public interest in seeking information and the disclosure of such information would cause unwarranted invasion of privacy of the individual under Section 8(1) (J) of the RTI Act.
In short, the apex court denied the information in the Girish Ramchandra Deshpande case on the ground that what was sought was personal information and unless larger public interest was involved, such information cannot be given out. The high court cited the apex court order to deny Shailesh Gandhi the information he had sought. How would such a retrogressive approach on dissemination of information help reinforce people’s faith in democracy? The income-tax department collects only financial transaction details and related information. How can they be construed as personal information?
If a member of the public cannot access the information collected by the I-T department, the department has no right to boast of being an arm of a democratic government. What the crusader petitioner wanted was to match the details given by Pawar before the election officials and the details given in Pawar’s income-tax return. A legitimate demand by any reckoning. The Girish Ramchandra Deshpande order by the division bench of the Supreme Court appears to be based on rock-solid logic. The order has all the trappings of having solved the conflict between right to privacy and public interest. Prima facie there is a problem here. Rock solid logics are sometimes devoid of common sense.
If India cannot be transparent in its own house, like the income-tax department’s functioning, India loses its moral right to challenge the opaqueness and defiance of the over 70 tax havens in the world that thrive upon their banking secrecy laws. These tax havens can also have their ‘rationale’ in place, purportedly for protecting the interests of their clients, whoever they are.
They can also rationalise their refusal to give out such details claiming such acts would not serve the interest of their own public. Most of these destinations thrive on their banking and finance industries, which are founded on their banking secrecy laws.
Any dilution of such laws will be against the interest of their economy and their people. India’s own record of inadequate transparency can undermine its own image abroad, which can potentially harm its current task of persuading the tax havens to dilute their banking secrecy laws and give out information. Therefore, the government’s penchant for blocking access to the public the information available with the government agencies is not in tune with the demands of time.
It is understandable if any government agency declines to give out information about an ongoing investigation as it may harm the process. These are exemptions necessary in any establishment. However, what is the justification for clamping down a general ban on accessing the information collected and preserved by the income-tax department?
Indian companies pay advance tax every three months. June 15, September 15, December 15 and March 15are the dates by which they have to pay advance tax. Details regarding the tax outgo of the companies are considered sacrosanct and there is a directive from the authorities not to divulge these details to the public. Though a section of the media manage to get those details published, such details have again become highly confidential under the new dispensation at the centre. The reason the Central Board of Direct Taxes goes to this extent to keep such information highly secret is that there were objections from the companies in the past when the details of their tax outgo were made public by the media. Such things have ramifications on business, the companies claim.
But the question that has not been asked is this: doesn’t such information help the public make an informed decision on their commercial dealings, including investments? And how does one resolve the contradiction of claiming to be the largest democracy in the world, and running non-transparent government departments? What is the logic of continuing with non-transparent machinery when the rest of the world is waking up to the need for transparency?
When US president Lyndon Johnson signed the Freedom of Information Act in 1966, he said: “This legislation springs from one of our most essential principles: a democracy works best when the people have all the information that the security of the nation permits. No one should be able to pull the curtains of secrecy around decisions which can be revealed without injury to the public interest.”
Transparency requires that decisions and actions of those in the government are open to public scrutiny and that the public has a right to access such information. This concept is central to the very idea of democratic governance. Shailesh Gandhi said he is going to move the Supreme Court against the high court order. It would be interesting to see at this level the clash of the conflicting perspectives and convictions on an issue, the dimensions of which are many and varied.
Unravelling the relationship between taxation and democracy, a paper presented by the department of political science, McGrill University, came to the conclusion that there is a relationship between payment of tax and the demand for democracy as they found in Uganda. The more tax they pay, the more democracy they seek, the paper concluded. While the elite seeks for political democracy, the common public asks for that part of democracy, which provides them services.
“Two distinct mechanisms, demand for democracy and demand for services, link tax to democracy in Uganda. Each type of demand affects certain aspects of democracy more strongly than others,” the paper concluded.
(The author is a Mumbai-based journalist who writes on personal finance and tax issues)