Sunday, February 22, 2026

From Being Forgotten To Being Found: Balancing Digital Reputation With Right To Information & Freedom Of Press.

Live Law: Akshita Saxena : Sunday, Febrauary 22, 2026.
The Right to be Forgotten has rapidly gained currency with the advent of technology and personal data protection. Rooted in individual privacy and dignity, it allows individuals to seek removal or de-indexing of personal information that is outdated, or perhaps disproportionately harmful.
India, following the recognition of right to privacy as a fundamental right by a 9-judge bench of the Supreme Court in Justice KS Puttaswamy (Retd.) & Anr. v. Union of India & Ors., has embraced the Right to be Forgotten through judicial orders.
However, as digital ecosystems mature, a deeper problem has emerged— erasure does not always preserve rights or triumph truth.
In many cases, initial accusations receive massive coverage from the media, etching the public memory. Whereas subsequent acquittals are ignored, resulting in lasting damage to an individual's reputation. Objectively speaking, harm is then not caused by the presence of outdated information, but by the absence or invisibility of correct and exculpatory information.
For instance, Right to Be Forgotten pales into insignificance in high profile cases, where no matter the redaction— the public knows the identity of the accused.
The Madras High Court had, back in 2021, recognised this predicament when it said that erasure may prove to be “counterproductive” for a person if they want to prove their innocence.
Even speaking constitutionally, the Right to be Forgotten presents a fundamental conflict with the Right to Information and the Freedom of Press. This gap has given rise to an emerging idea: the Right to be Found.
While not formally recognised in any jurisdiction, the Right to be Found offers a more nuanced approach to digital reputation, one that may be better suited to constitutional democracies.
What Is Right to Be Found?
The Right to be Found refers to an individual's right to ensure that accurate, updated, and exonerating information about them is visible, discoverable, and contextualised online, particularly when older adverse material continues to dominate public perception.
The Right to be Found doesn't seek deletion or suppression information. It rather promotes updating of archive reports, linking of acquittal or quashing orders to prior allegations, and contextualisation of information so that truth is not fragmented by algorithms. In essence, it addresses informational imbalance in the public domain.
A writ of mandamus may be issued to media houses, to update their prior reports with subsequent developments and/or to run a fresh report intimating the public of the latest development. This would instantly serve a dual purpose— preserve individual dignity by contextualisation and foster the citizens' right to information.
Why Right to Be Found?
The Right to Be Forgotten often attracts criticism for encouraging historical amnesia. Courts may be understandably reluctant to delete judgments or news reports that were factually correct at the time of publication.
The Right to be Found avoids this problem. It retains the historical record while ensuring that subsequent developments—such as acquittals—are equally accessible. This preserves the “whole” truth instead of erasing history and strengthens the integrity of public records.
Erasure-based remedies also sit in direct tension with freedom of expression. De-indexing orders against search engines or takedown directives to media houses can appear as judicially mandated silence.
The Supreme Court recently said that a Delhi High Court order directing a digital platform to remove certain news reports concerning the arrest of a former banker in a money laundering case, following his discharge, would not operate as a precedent in other cases.
This, because the Top Court felt that erasure of past information is not innocuous. Rather, it raises the question of how the right to privacy and the right to be forgotten under Article 21 of the Constitution is to be reconciled with Freedom of Press under Article 19(1)(a).
A mature understanding of digital rights must acknowledge that the Press has a legitimate constitutional right to report arrests, remands, and ongoing criminal proceedings when they concern matters of public interest or public importance. Such reporting, if accurate at the time of publication, does not become unlawful merely because the accused is later acquitted. The Indian Constitution is not known to mandate erasure of truthful journalism. Nor does it impose retrospective silence on the press. What it demands however, is fairness.
In this context, the Right to be Found promotes freedom of speech and expression. It requires addition of context rather than removal of content, making it more compatible with constitutional free-speech guarantees.
Also significant to note that modern reputational harm is rarely caused by publication alone; it is caused by algorithmic prioritisation. Search engines amplify the first arrest report but rarely elevate the acquittal that followed years later.
The Right to be Forgotten responds by hiding information. The Right to be Found responds by correcting algorithmic asymmetry.
If the Right to be Found is recognised, privacy will imperturbably be balanced with citizens' right to information and the freedom of press. Instead of censoring information in a democracy, the Right to be Found obligates digital platforms to provide complete, accurate information and paves way for redemption of the affected party. Past arrest which culminates into acquittal— has to be reported. Past conviction, which is later overturned— has to be amplified.
Limitations
The Right to be Found concededly can't be applied universally and its limitations become particularly pronounced in matrimonial and family law disputes, where privacy interests are fundamentally different from criminal or commercial cases.
In matrimonial cases, visibility itself can be harmful. Unlike criminal cases involving public wrongs, matrimonial disputes are intensely personal, emotionally charged and closely tied to dignity, sexuality, mental health, and family reputation.
A Right to be Found, by increasing visibility of judgments (even favourable ones), may re-traumatize spouses and perpetuate the social stigma both parties want to escape.
Another complication is that family disputes often involve cross-allegations, settlements without adjudication, withdrawals and mediation-based resolutions. In such cases, there is no truth to be “found”.
Recognising this limitation however, does not weaken the concept— it anchors it in Constitutional realism. Constitutional rights are not abstractions applied uniformly across all contexts but have to be enforced with careful calibration by the Judiciary.
Right to Be Forgotten: Easier Conceptually, Harder Constitutionally
The Right to Be Forgotten is procedurally straightforward—content is removed or de-indexed. However, it faces resistance from media organisations, invites constitutional scrutiny under free speech, and raises concerns about transparency and public interest.
Right to Be Found on the other hand, though presents technical challenges, such as linking content across platforms and dealing with proprietary search algorithms, is normatively easier to justify as it does not silence anyone but— promotes accuracy and completeness.
From a constitutional perspective, courts may find it easier to mandate contextualisation and updating, rather than erasure.
Comparative Perspectives
The EU does not recognise a Right to be Found as such. In fact, France is credited for the birth of the Right to be Forgotten and focuses on de-indexing under privacy principles. Even the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) explicitly recognizes the Right to Erasure under Article 17.
However, a closer look at the provisions— Article 16 (right to rectification) and Article 5 (accuracy, transparency and fairness), require data controllers to ensure that information is not misleading due to incompleteness— achieving the functional equivalent of the Right to be Found.
In the United States, adoption of the Right to be Forgotten seems unlikely, given the country's emphasis on First Amendment freedoms. In Search King, Inc. v. Google Technology, Inc. (2003), a US Court dismissed a lawsuit against Google and held that its search rankings are subjective results which are constitutionally protected “opinions”.
Right to be Found on the other hand, does not stifle expression and is arguably more aligned with the First Amendment.
Towards Informational Justice, Not Informational Silence
The digital age has made memory permanent but correction optional. The Right to be Forgotten responds by hiding the past; the Right to be Found responds by completing the narrative, with truth and completeness.
While no jurisdiction has formally named this right, many have already embraced its logic. As courts grapple with reputational harm in algorithm-driven ecosystems, the future likely lies not in erasure, but in visibility of truth.
For countries like India—where dignity, reputation, and fairness are constitutional values—the Right to be Found may well represent the next evolution of digital rights jurisprudence.
Views Personal. Author may be reached at akshita@livelaw.in

₹6.5 crore spent, but garbage still piles: RTI exposes Ganderbal’s waste management failure

Kashmir Reader: Manzoor Vani: Srinagar: Sunday, February 22, 2026.

Effective governance is not measured by money spent, but by outcomes that improve lives.
Between 2020 and 2025, a total of ₹6,50,18,607 (approximately ₹6.5 crore) has been spent on Solid Waste Management (SWM) in District Ganderbal, as per information obtained under the Right to Information (RTI) Act through an application filed by me. The block-wise expenditure details are as follows:
– Block Lar: ₹1,05,77,187
– Block Sherpathri: ₹29,63,807
– Block Safapora: ₹38,60,040
- Block Kangan: ₹98,05,902
– Block Ganderbal: ₹1,17,01,671
– Block Wakura: ₹1,58,10,000
Despite this significant financial investment, an honest assessment of ground realities suggests that the Solid Waste Management system has not delivered the expected results. Many rural areas continue to face irregular waste collection, lack of segregation, inadequate infrastructure utilisation, and poor sustainability of the system. This challenge is not limited to Ganderbal alone but is visible across much of Kashmir. This situation raises an important question about development priorities and governance effectiveness. Public expenditure must translate into visible and measurable improvements in people’s lives. 
When outcomes remain limited despite large spending, it becomes essential to reassess planning, execution, monitoring, and accountability mechanisms. If a portion of these funds had been directed toward welfare-driven initiatives—such as supporting families living in inadequate housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY)—the impact on social security, dignity, and public trust could have been far more meaningful and tangible. Effective governance is not measured by how much money is spent, but by outcomes that genuinely improve people’s lives. The experience of rural waste management in Ganderbal should serve as an opportunity for course correction, stronger community participation, and a shift toward result-oriented and accountable governance.
The writer is a social and RTI activist from District Ganderbal

PMO funds? Don’t ask ..!!

Deccan Herald: Bangaluru: Sunday, February 22, 2026.
The government reasons that these funds are not supported by any budgetary allocation approved by Parliament. So, questions about their affairs cannot be admitted there.
Soon after the Union government notified the rules to implement the 2023 Digital Personal Data Protection Act, in November last year, a Gen-Z influencer Instagrammed a biting explainer in Hinglish: “On the one hand, the government has empowered itself to compel private entities to hand over people’s personal data like private chats, photos, location, and biometrics, without obtaining their consent, for protecting the country’s sovereignty and integrity. On the other hand, it has amended the RTI Act to deny them access to all personal information about public servants for protecting their privacy... Since when did our democracy start functioning like this?” she asked
Even as we scratch our heads for an answer to this elementary question, the media has reported a recent communication from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) to the Lok Sabha Secretariat. Apparently, questions about the PMCARES Fund, Prime Minister’s Relief Fund (PMNRF), and the National Defence Fund (NDF), which the PMO administers, are not admissible under the House business rules. For several years, the government has fought citizens tooth and nail to keep PMCARES and PMNRF out of the ambit of the RTI Act. Now our elected representatives are being gagged with a “thou shalt not ask!” commandment. Is Article 105 of our Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech in Parliament, due for a sabbatical? Will the Speaker bend or defend our MPs’ right to know?
The government reasons that these funds are not supported by any budgetary allocation approved by Parliament. So, questions about their affairs cannot be admitted there. RTI replies I obtained from central public sector enterprises and the data gleaned from their annual CSR expenditure reports show that between 2020-2021, they had contributed more than Rs 2,330 crore to the PMCARES Fund. The President, the first citizen of our country, is the majority shareholder in these companies. Should other citizens not ask how this money was spent during the COVID pandemic? As I am an Intervenor in the PMCARES Fund case pending in the Delhi High Court, propriety prevents me from commenting further except to say that the 40th hearing to decide whether it can be made answerable to the people under the RTI Act will be on the 1st of April! As for the PMNRF, the Central Information Commission ruled in 2012 that names of institutional donors are not sarkari secrets. In 2015, a single bench of the Delhi High Court upheld this decision as a reasonable one and directed the PMO to respond to such RTI enquiries. In 2018, a division bench of the court gave a split decision in an appeal. One judge held that the PMNRF is like any other public authority under the RTI Act, subject only to its permissible exemptions to disclosure. The other judge ruled that it is like an NGO and no information about its affairs can be accessed under the RTI Act. They recommended that the Chief Justice refer the issue to a third judge. In 2026, we are still waiting for that judge to hear this case.
Few people are aware that the PMNRF and the NDF serve another public purpose, above and beyond those underpinning their establishment. This novel application was created by the judicial arm of the State. Both funds are used for depositing the costs which courts and tribunals impose on litigants for wasting their precious time. Since 2001, in at least 100+ cases, high courts, tribunals like ITAT, NCLT, CESTAT, and DRAT, and even the Supreme Court, have imposed costs totalling over Rs 3 crore to be deposited in these funds. In more than 35 cases, the dissenting judge of the Delhi High Court issued such orders favouring PMNRF! Are these truly voluntary contributions? Again, not many people remember that between 1964 and 1965, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri answered at least two NDF-related questions in Parliament. One was about the money donated by ‘left communist group’ members detained in Kerala’s jails, for the country’s defence during the Indo-Pak war. Another was about more than a hundred NDF receipt books that went missing in Delhi. In 1965, his Education Minister, noted jurist M C Chagla, assured the Lok Sabha that information about contributions from Delhi’s school-going students, allegedly collected without issuing proper receipts, would be tabled soon. The claimants to Shastri’s legacy, who mostly use his birth anniversary as a counter-event for Gandhi Jayanti, would do well to emulate the high standards of transparency and accountability he set at the PMO. 
(The writer wakes up every morning thinking someone somewhere is hiding something)

RTI Act is a people-centric and powerful law, says Information Commissioner B. Venkat Singh.

The Hindu: Kalaburgi: Benga;luru, Sunday, FEb 22, 2026.
B. Venkat Singh says the Act plays a crucial role in ensuring transparency in governance and serves both as a protection and a caution for public servants.

Describing the Right to Information (RTI) Act as a people-centric and powerful legislation, Karnataka State Information Commissioner (Kalaburagi Bench) B. Venkat Singh said the Act plays a crucial role in ensuring transparency in governance and serves both as a protection and a caution for public servants.
He was addressing district-level officers and Public Information Officers (PIOs) of various departments after inaugurating a workshop and interactive session on the RTI Act organised at the district administration auditorium in Koppal on February 21.
Mr. Singh said the primary objective of the RTI Act is to enable public participation in governance. The Act provides citizens with the right to seek information about government schemes and functioning, thereby strengthening transparency and accountability. Although the Act has been in force for nearly two decades, many officials still lack adequate clarity about its implementation, he observed, stressing the need to circulate RTI manuals and reference books to officers at district, taluk, and gram panchayat levels.
Providing statistics on the functioning of the Kalaburagi Bench, he said that since its establishment, 16,640 cases had been registered, of which 10,423 had been disposed of. In the three months since he assumed office, 1,400 cases had been heard and 605 disposed of. A total of 6,655 cases are still pending, including 764 from Koppal district. He added that second appeals, which earlier required applicants to travel to Bengaluru, can now be filed at the Kalaburagi Bench from February onwards, benefiting people from all seven districts of Kalyana Karnataka.
state Information Commissioner (Bengaluru Bench) Harish Kumar described the RTI Act as one of the most revolutionary laws enacted in independent India. Access to information relating to government schemes and benefits is a fundamental right of every citizen, he said, noting that Karnataka was the first State to implement the RTI Act after it came into force on October 5, 2005.
He urged officials not to fear the Act but to understand it clearly. Public Information Officers must ensure that information is provided within the stipulated time frame. He noted that a significant number of RTI applications relate to the Rural Development and Panchayat Raj, Revenue, and Public Works Departments, with nearly 30% concerning gram panchayats.
Another State Information Commissioner, Badruddin K., advised officials to handle RTI applications with confidence and clarity. He stressed that transparency naturally fosters confidence and urged departments to proactively upload information under Sections 4(1)(a) and 4(1)(b) of the Act on their websites to reduce workload and improve efficiency. Applications should be disposed of well within the 30-day limit to avoid unnecessary pressure, he said.
Deputy Commissioner Suresh B. Itnal said the RTI Act has helped correct administrative lapses and improve transparency. He directed all offices to promptly dispose of RTI applications and display boards indicating the names of Public Information Officers and First Appellate Authorities.

Saturday, February 21, 2026

The privacy revolution: Is your data finally yours? - By Selwin Shine Saju

The Week: National: Saturday, 21 February 2026.
The DPDP Rules 2025 have operationalised a new era of data privacy in India, introducing powerful tools like Consent Managers and the Right to be Forgotten for its 900 million internet users
For nearly a decade, the right to privacy has primarily relied upon the Puttaswamy v. Union of India verdict by the Supreme Court in 2017. But as we step into 2026, it has shifted from the courtroom to smartphones. With the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Rules, 2025, now fully operationalized, the rules of the game for Big Tech, the government, and 900 million Indian internet users have been rewritten.
We are currently in the "Grace Period" an 18-month window that began in late 2025. While companies have until May 2027 for total systemic compliance, the "digital-first" enforcement era has officially begun.
Remember the days when we had to click "accept" on a fifty-page document just to use a basic flashlight app? Those days are now numbered. According to new DPDP rules, companies are mandated to provide a standalone notice that is clear and itemized. These notices must also be available in all 22 scheduled languages mentioned in the Indian Constitution.
The Consent Manager
2026 sees the rise of a new entity the Consent Manager. Registered with the newly formed Data Protection Board, these platforms will act as your "privacy dashboard," allowing you to see, manage, and withdraw consent across multiple apps in one place.
The Right to be Forgotten
The DPDP framework introduces a "business inactivity" threshold. According to this, if you do not interact with a service for more than 3 years, then the company is generally required to erase your data, thereby avoiding permanent "digital ghosting."
Protection for children
The rules for children (under 18) are among the strictest globally. Apps must now use "verifiable" methods potentially linked to Digital Lockers or tokenized ID systems to ensure a parent has actually approved a child's data use. Additionally, targeted advertising and behavioral tracking of children are strictly prohibited under DPDP Rules 2025. For a generation that grew up "online," this creates a protected space to develop without being algorithmically profiled from birth.
The critics
Despite these advantages, this rule has also invited criticism. The primary critique revolves around the amendment made to the Right to Information (RTI) Act of 2005. By removing the "public interest" override in Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act, the government has essentially made all personal information held by the state off-limits to citizens. Critics argue this turns a "right to know" into a "right to deny," potentially shielding corrupt officials under the guise of "privacy."
Furthermore, the Union Government retains the power to exempt "State instrumentalities" from major parts of the law for reasons of national security. In a digital age, the line between "public safety" and "mass surveillance" remains thin and blurry.
Enforcement and fines
The Data Protection Board (DPB) is now active. Operating as a "digital-first" adjudicatory body, it has the power to levy staggering fines: up to Rs 250 crore for data breaches. Companies must notify the Board within 72 hours after a breach. For the first time, privacy in India has a price tag that even the world's largest tech giants cannot ignore.
As we navigate this "Phase 1" of implementation in early 2026, the power balance has shifted. We are no longer just "users" we are Data Principals. While the state's exemptions remain a concern for civil liberties, the era of companies treating our personal data as their private property is coming to an end. The next 12 months are critical. Will the DPB truly stand as an independent guardian of our digital lives, or will state surveillance shadow all the benefits of the law?

Sugarcane farmers invoke RTI law over Komenda Sugar Factory report : ByJuliana Odame Asare

Citi Newsroom: Ghana: Saturday, 21 February 2026.
The Sugarcane Farmers Association of Ghana has formally invoked Ghana’s Right to Information law to demand full disclosure of the Interim Management Committee’s report on the Komenda Sugar Development Company Limited, citing deep concerns over the factory’s future and its implications for farmers’ livelihoods.
In a letter dated February 19, 2026, addressed to the Ministry of Trade, Agribusiness and Industry, the Association said access to the report is critical for sugarcane farmers, who it described as primary stakeholders in Ghana’s sugarcane value chain.
According to the farmers, the report is expected to clarify key issues including future production arrangements, land use plans, sugarcane sourcing strategies, financing structures, and any proposed partnerships, concessions or leasing frameworks that could directly affect farmer participation and income.
The Association recalled that during the Government Accountability Series on January 21, 2026, the sector minister indicated that the six-month Interim Management Committee’s report would be submitted by January 26, 2026. However, weeks after the stated deadline, the farmers say they remain in the dark about its contents.
They believe the findings and recommendations will be particularly consequential for farmers in the Komenda catchment area and adjoining districts, where expectations remain high for a revived and farmer-inclusive sugar industry.
In their request, the Association asked for a full copy of the report, alongside any implementation roadmap, transition framework, cabinet memorandum or action plan arising from it. They also sought all sections dealing with sugarcane supply agreements, pricing frameworks, out-grower models, and mechanisms for farmer participation.
Additionally, the farmers requested details of any environmental, land acquisition, agronomic, irrigation or cultivation recommendations that could affect operations in the Komenda area.
“We request that the information be provided in electronic format (PDF) via email in accordance with Section 18 of Act 989,” the Association stated.
The letter was signed by the Association’s Chairman, Nana Nsanyewodze I, known in private life as Mr Samuel Mensah, together with two other national executives.
Meanwhile, fresh concerns have emerged over the operational state of the Komenda Sugar Factory. The Ministry has disclosed that the facility has been disconnected from the national grid by the Electricity Company of Ghana and has also had its water supply cut by Ghana Water Limited due to unpaid utility bills.
The developments have heightened anxiety among sugarcane farmers, who say transparency and early engagement are essential if confidence is to be restored in the long-delayed Komenda Sugar project.

Wife cannot seek husband’s salary details under RTI Act: Rajasthan High Court : Ritu Yadav

Bar and Bench: Rajasthan: Saturday, 21 February 2026.
"Disclosure of such information, in the absence of any overriding public interest, has no relationship with any public activity or public interest," the Court said.
The Rajasthan High Court has upheld the State's decision to deny a woman access to her husband’s salary details under the Right to Information (RTI) Act [Smt. Kanta Kumawat v State of Rajasthan]
Justice Kuldeep Mathur dismissed a plea moved by a wife challenging the rejection of her RTI application.
"Disclosure of such information, in the absence of any overriding public interest, has no relationship with any public activity or public interest," the Court said.
The woman had sought copies of the pay slips and details of the salary paid to her husband, who was employed with the police department in Bhilwara.
However, her RTI application was rejected by the competent authority on the ground that the information sought was “personal” in nature, related to a third party, and was therefore exempt from disclosure under the provisions of the RTI Act. Rajasthan State Information Commission later upheld the decision.
This compelled the wife to approach the High Court.
However, the Court found no illegality in the State’s action in refusing disclosure. In doing so, the Court relied on Supreme Court's ruling in Girish Ramchandra Deshpande vs. Central Information Commission & ors.
In that decision, the top court had ruled that information relating to the performance of an employee or officer in an organisation is primarily a matter between the employee and the employer, governed by service rules, and falls within the ambit of “personal information”.
The High Court, thus, found no merit in the present writ petition.
Advocate Gopal Lal Acharya appeared for the petitioner.
[Read Order]

OU asks for proof of Indian citizenship after RTI activist seeks land details

Times of India: Hyderabad: Saturday, 21 February 2026.
An RTI application seeking detailed information on land owned and managed by Osmania University has triggered a controversy after officials asked the applicant to furnish ‘proof of Indian citizenship' instead of supplying the requested records, raising questions about how public authorities interpret the Right to Information Act.
The application was filed by RTI activist and urban development forum state convener M Srinivas, who sought comprehensive details of the university's land holdings, including survey records, extent of property, and administrative information maintained by the estate and legal cell.
University lands have frequently been at the centre of public debate due to concerns over encroachments, alienation, and management practices, making the information sought particularly significant.
Sec 3 of RTI Act cited
Instead of providing the details, the university responded that the application could not be processed unless the applicant submitted proof of Indian citizenship. Citing section 3 of the RTI Act, officials stated that only Indian citizens are entitled to seek information from public authorities and asked Srinivas to furnish a copy of his Aadhaar card or an equivalent document as proof.
Srinivas told TOI that while section 3 establishes that citizens have the right to information subject to the Act's provisions, it does not mandate submission of citizenship proof along with an RTI request. He argued that imposing such a requirement amounts to adding conditions not specified in the law.
Even after a reminder from the applicant, no information was provided. In a subsequent communication, the university reiterated its stand, stating that the absence of citizenship proof remained the sole reason for withholding the requested records.
Moves info commission
Following this, Srinivas approached the Telangana Information Commission with a formal complaint on June 3, challenging the university's demand and seeking directions for disclosure of the information.
Referring to the episode, Srinivas said that public authorities were increasingly resorting to procedural barriers to delay or deny information. He added that although administrative changes over the years had weakened the RTI framework, recent appointments of information commissioners had raised expectations of stricter enforcement and greater accountability.

Friday, February 20, 2026

RTI flags 14,523 dropouts in Tinsukia, 192 tea tribe, Adivasi students miss HSLC

Assam Tribune: Doomdooma: Friday, 20 February 2026.
Data reveals over 14,500 dropouts between 2020 & 2025, while 192 Adivasi & Tea Tribe students missed the 2024–25 HSLC exam, raising concerns over retention.
Serious concerns over school dropouts and examination absenteeism have surfaced in Tinsukia district following startling disclosures obtained under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005.
Official information furnished by the Inspector of Schools, Tinsukia district, vide letter No. IS/TDC/RTI/2023/674/620, dated Tinsukia 08/07/25, in reference to the letter of the Director of Secondary Education, Assam (No. E. 656322/E, dated 29/05/2025), reveals that as many as 192 Adivasi and Tea Tribe candidates did not appear in the HSLC Examination in the 2024-25 academic session.
The disclosure has triggered fresh debate on the effectiveness of the State government’s welfare initiatives aimed at curbing dropouts and promoting educational continuity among marginalised communities.
The data was obtained by an RTI activist from Lakhimpur, who sought details regarding dropout students belonging to Adivasi and Tea Tribe communities from Classes I to XII in Tinsukia district between the academic sessions 2020-21 and 2024-25, as well as the number of such candidates who did not appear in the HSLC and Higher Secondary final examinations in 2024-25.
The figures present a disturbing trend. Between 2020-21 and 2024-25, a total of 14,523 students from Classes I to XII dropped out in the district. The highest number of dropouts – 4,374 students – was recorded in 2021-22. The annual break-up stands at 1,952 in 2020–21; 4,374 in 2021-22; 3,405 in 2022-23; 3,461 in 2023-24; and 1,331 in 2024-25.
Class-wise data further underlines the gravity of the situation. During the five-year period, 614 students dropped out in Class I; 1,494 in Class II; 1,629 in Class III; and 1,603 in Class IV. The highest dropout was recorded in Class V with 2,905 students. The figures stood at 2,317 in Class VI; 1,427 in Class VII; 1,310 in Class VIII; 941 in Class IX; and 257 in Class X.
These revelations come despite the Assam government rolling out several ambitious schemes in recent years to encourage enrolment and retention.
The initiatives include the Nijut Moina scheme providing financial assistance to girl students for higher education and prevention of child marriage; the Mukhya Mantri Nijut Babu Achoni offering Rs 1,000 to 2,000 per month to students pursuing higher studies; distribution of bicycles to Class IX students; a Rs 1,800 financial incentive scheme for Class X students; and fee waivers for economically disadvantaged candidates appearing in HSLC and Higher Secondary examinations.
Additionally, measures such as mid-day meals, free textbooks and uniforms, the Anundoram Borooah Award and the Banikanta Kakoti Merit Award have been implemented to motivate students.
The persistence of high dropout figures had earlier prompted the State government, under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, to constitute a study team on June 26 last year to examine the issue.
Observers point out that at a time when over 7,000 government schools across the State have reportedly been closed or amalgamated due to declining enrolment, the dropout of nearly 15,000 students in a single district over five years carries serious implications.
It may be recalled that allegations had surfaced last year that a large number of Tea Tribe and Adivasi candidates could not appear in the HSLC examination owing to their participation in the ‘Jhumoir Binandini’ programme organised in Guwahati on February 24, 2025, reportedly in connection with a world record attempt. The RTI findings appear to lend weight to those claims.
Though the present data pertains only to Tinsukia district, similar patterns in other districts with sizeable Tea Tribe and Adivasi populations cannot be ruled out. Educationists have stressed the need for targeted intervention at the community level to arrest the dropout trend before it assumes more alarming proportions.
Meanwhile, in the ongoing HSLC examination 2026 in Tinsukia district, out of a total of 13,389 registered candidates, 13,119 were present while 270 remained absent. Though it is not yet known how many of the 270 absent candidates belong to the Adivasi and Tea Tribe communities, the figure has once again raised concerns among academic circles.
With enrolment falling and absenteeism continuing despite several welfare schemes, the challenge for the authorities is not only to get students into schools but also to ensure they stay till the examinations.

Constitutionality of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023

Supreme Court Observer: New Delhi: Friday, 20 February 2026.
The Court will decide the constitutionality of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023, including the amendment to Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act 2005.
Key Issues

  1. Does the DPDP Amendment to Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act restrict the scope of information sought against public functionaries?
  2. Does the DPDP Act violate the right to information and the right to know promised under Articles 19(1)(a) and 21 of the Constitution?
  3. Does Section 17(1)(c) and 17(2) facilitate a surveillance regime?
  4. Are the provisions of the DPDP Act manifestly arbitrary?
On 7 August 2023, The Digital Data Protection (DPDP) Bill was passed in the Lok Sabha. Subsequently, the Bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha and received the President’s assent. The Bill was enacted on 11 August 2023.The Act brought about several provisions to regulate and penalise unauthorised use of personal data by companies and big firms.
On 2 February 2026, Venkatesh Nayak, an RTI activist filed a writ petition under Article 32 of the Constitution, challenging Sections 17(1)(c), 17(2), 33(1), 36 and 44(3) of the DPDP Act 2023 and Rules 17 and 23(2) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Rules, 2025 (DPDP Rules). The petition argues that the provisions violate Article 14, 19(1)(a) and 21 of the Constitution. Two other petitions—by Nitin Sethi and The Reporters Collective–were filed subsequently.
Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act amended Section 8(1)(j) of the Right to Information Act, 2005 which exempts the disclosure of any information “which relates to personal information”. The petitioners claim that this amendment creates a “blanket ban on the obligation to disclose personal information”. This will allow the executive to deny information to citizens by citing the “personal nature of the information”. Petitioners argue that this will violate the right to information and the right to know, which is traced to Article 19(1)(a)—the fundamental right to speech and expression. Previously, the Supreme Court in CPIO, Supreme Court v Subhash Aggarwal (2019) had held that there is no bar under the RTI Act on disclosure of personal information, given that the information does not cause invasion of privacy and has a reasonable nexus with public activity and public interest.
Petitioners have also challenged Section 17(1)(c), which allows the processing of data in the “interest of prevention, detection, investigation or prosecution of any offence or contravention of any law for the time being in force in India”. Section 17(2) states that the Act will not be applicable when data is processed by the Union government, or any authority it may notify, in the “interests of sovereignty and integrity of India, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, maintenance of public order or preventing incitement to any cognizable offence relating to any of these”. The petitioners are apprehensive that the provisions will result in a “surveillance regime”, with no safeguards or review mechanism. This, according to them, is manifestly arbitrary and violates Article 14.
Section 36 of the law also states that any intermediary or data fiduciary should furnish information which is required by the Union government. This, the petitioners claim, allows the Union to call information without any “statutory guidance”. Further, Rule 23(2) compels the fiduciary or intermediary to not disclose to the data principal that such information was furnished to the Union government if it is likely to “affect the sovereignty and integrity of India or security of the State”.
Section 18 of the DPDP Act calls for the establishment of a Data Protection Board of India. Rules 17(1) and 17(2) of the DPDP Rules provide for a search cum selection committee for the appointment of the Chairperson and other members of the Board. Petitioners claim that the “executive dominance” in the formation of the Committee violates the doctrine of the separation of powers.
Lastly, Section 33(1) imposes penalties for “significant” data breaches. The petitioners claim that the wording of the provision is vague as there is no statutory guidance to determine what constitutes a “significant” breach. .
On 16 February 2026, the Bench of Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justices Joymalya Bagchi and V.M. Pancholi heard the matter and issued notice to parties. The Bench refused to grant an interim stay on the DPDP Act. Further, the Court referred the matter to a larger bench to be heard in March 2026.
The matter will be heard next on 23 March 2026.

Why Jammu & Kashmir needs its own RTI Act : Deepak Sharma

Daily Excelsior: Jammu: Friday, 20 February 2026.
The Right to Information is not merely a statutory privilege conferred by Parliament but it is a constitutional facet of the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. Transparency is the bedrock of democratic governance. When citizens are denied timely access to information, accountability collapses, and bureaucracy begins to function in insulation rather than service.
In Jammu & Kashmir today, this is no longer a theoretical concern but a lived reality.
Following the reorganisation of the erstwhile State into a Union Territory, the Central Right to Information Act, 2005 was extended to Jammu & Kashmir. While this transition was presented as a step towards uniform governance, its practical consequences have been deeply regressive for transparency and citizen oversight.
The most damaging change has been the elimination of local adjudication.
Prior to reorganisation, Jammu & Kashmir had its own State Information Commission. Appeals and complaints were heard within the region. Public Information Officers (PIOs) were answerable to Commissioners who were institutionally and geographically proximate. Delays were limited, and the penalty provisions under the RTI law had real deterrent value.
Today, every second appeal and complaint from Jammu & Kashmir must travel to the Central Information Commission in Delhi.This single structural shift has effectively hollowed out the RTI regime in the Union Territory. Applicants routinely wait two to three years for their matters to be listed. By the time hearings occur, the concerned PIOs have often been transferred, promoted, or retired. Files change custodians. Institutional memory fades. Citizens lose interest. What remains is a right without remedy and a process without consequence.
Public authorities are fully conscious of this vacuum. They know that non-compliance carries no immediate cost. They know that the statutory penalties under Section 20 of the RTI Act have become largely unenforceable due to distance and delay. As a result, statutory timelines are ignored with impunity, evasive replies are issued as a matter of routine, and information is denied casually. This has led to systemic non-transparency and dangerous bureaucratic empowerment.
Departments now function with minimal fear of disclosure. Government functioning, and decision making processes remain opaque. Development works escape citizen scrutiny. Welfare schemes operate behind closed doors. Land records, contracts, and expenditure details are withheld without hesitation. The disciplinary force that RTI once exercised over governance has largely disappeared in Jammu & Kashmir. In effect, the Union Territory today operates in an RTI vacuum.
The constitutional implications are grave. The Supreme Court has consistently held that the right to information flows from Article 19(1)(a). However, a right is meaningful only when accompanied by an effective and accessible remedy. When enforcement mechanisms are rendered so distant and sluggish that information becomes practically unattainable, the right itself stands diluted. What exists today in Jammu & Kashmir is constructive denial of the Right to Information.
This arrangement also offends the principle of equality. Citizens in States have access to nearby State Information Commissions. Citizens in Jammu & Kashmir must depend entirely on a Commission sitting hundreds of kilometres away, burdened with appeals from across the country. This geographic and administrative imbalance creates an unreasonable classification among citizens, undermining both Article 14 and Article 19.
Against this backdrop, two constitutionally sound and urgently required reforms emerge:
(i) enactment of a separate Right to Information Act for Jammu & Kashmir, or
(ii) establishment of a regional bench of the Central Information Commission in Jammu & Kashmir.
Both options are legally tenable.
Competence of the J&K Legislative Assembly to enact a separate RTI Act
Under Section 32 of the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, the Legislative Assembly of the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir is empowered to legislate on all subjects in the Concurrent List and on all subjects in the State List except “Police” and “Public Order.”
The subject of Right to Information clearly flows from Entry 12 of the Concurrent List, which deals with public records and access to information. Therefore, there is no constitutional bar on the J&K Assembly enacting its own RTI legislation.
Since Parliament has already enacted the Central RTI Act, any UT-specific RTI law would require Presidential assent under Article 254(2). However, the legislative competence itself is unquestionable.
A Jammu & Kashmir RTI Act could restore local accountability by providing a dedicated J&K Information Commission, Benches at Jammu and Srinagar, Time-bound disposal of appeals, Effective enforcement of penalty provisions, Enhanced proactive disclosure obligations and Accessibility for rural and border populations.
Such a law would not dilute national transparency standards; it would strengthen them by restoring proximity and deterrence.
Power of the Central Information Commission to establish regional benches
Even in the absence of a separate UT RTI Act, the present opacity can be remedied through executive action alone. The Supreme Court, in Central Information Commission v. Delhi Development Authority & Another, 2024 LiveLaw (SC) 465, has clearly recognised that the Central Information Commission is a statutory adjudicatory body with the power to regulate its own procedure and function through Benches. The Court acknowledged that nothing in the RTI Act restricts the CIC to a single location or mandates that it must sit only at Delhi.
This power flows from Section 12(4) and Section 12(5) of the RTI Act, read with Sections 18 and 19, which confer appellate and complaint jurisdiction without geographical limitation.
The legal position is thus unambiguous. Establishment of a regional or circuit bench of the CIC for Jammu & Kashmir does not require any legislative amendment. It can be achieved through administrative decision and logistical support from the Central Government.
Continued failure to establish such a bench, despite known delays and systemic non-compliance, can itself be characterised as arbitrary and violative of Articles 14 and 19(1)(a). From a policy perspective, this is the most realistic and immediately achievable reform.
The broader democratic concern cannot be ignored. Jammu & Kashmir is already governed under a centralised administrative framework, where police, public order, and key executive powers vest with the Union through the Lieutenant Governor. In such a system, RTI becomes one of the few remaining instruments through which ordinary citizens can question authority. Weakening this instrument further deepens the democratic deficit.
Transparency cannot be centrally managed from distant offices. It must be locally enforced. Whether through a separate RTI Act for Jammu & Kashmir or through a regional bench of the Central Information Commission, what is urgently required is restoration of institutional proximity between citizens and accountability mechanisms. Without this, bureaucracy will continue to operate unchecked, Article 19 will remain restricted in practice, and public confidence in governance will erode further.
Democracy does not survive on statutes alone. It survives on access, oversight, and the citizen’s ability to ask questions and to receive timely answers. Jammu & Kashmir deserves that right, not as a theoretical promise, but as a living reality.
(The author is a Jammu based advocate, RTI Activist and Convener, Research and Advocacy Group-RAAG)

Privacy and transparency: On the RTI Act amendment, petitions

 The Hindu: Editorial: Friday, 20 February 2026.
There must be no information asymmetry between state and citizens
On Monday, the Supreme Court of India referred a series of petitions challenging the amendment to Section 8(1)(j) of the Right to Information (RTI) Act by Section 44(3) of the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, to a Constitution Bench, recognising its “constitutional sensitivity”. The Chief Justice of India even remarked that the Court might “have to lay down what is meant by ‘personal information’”. The RTI Act, 2005 was enacted to create an informed citizenry and ensure state accountability, which is vital for a democracy. Over two decades later, the DPDP Act has delivered a body blow by diluting one of its foundational sections. Section 8(1)(j) originally allowed the withholding of personal information only if it had no relationship to any public activity or interest, or if its disclosure resulted in an unwarranted invasion of privacy. Crucially, the section included a “public interest override” as an integral feature of the 2005 Act, permitting disclosure if a Public Information Officer was satisfied that the larger public interest justified it. The DPDP amendment removes this override and prohibits the disclosure of “any information which relates to personal information”, amounting to a blanket ban. This enables rejecting requests concerning officials, procurement records, audit reports or public spending. In its campaign for the RTI, the Internet Freedom Foundation has highlighted a “legitimate uses” paradox here: while Section 7 of the DPDP Act allows the state to process personal data without consent, the RTI amendment prevents citizens from using similar principles to seek transparency from the state. Thus, while the government can monitor the citizen, the citizen is denied the ability to scrutinise the government.
This amendment also creates a severe “chilling effect” on the press. As argued in one of the writ petitions by The Reporters’ Collective, journalists could be classified as “data fiduciaries” under the DPDP Act and its Rules when collecting information for investigative reports. Non-compliance with the Act can attract fines up to ₹250 crore. Such a legal framework threatens reducing journalism to just publishing government releases. It is ironic that the DPDP Act provides exemptions to startups but omits similar protections for journalism. This is in sharp contrast with the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which balances privacy and transparency to ensure accountability. The Constitution Bench must refer to the judgment, Central Public Information Officer (2019), which held that personal information should remain private unless disclosure is necessary for the larger public interest. It is known that the RTI has significantly reduced state-citizen (this includes the poor) information asymmetry over two decades. Ensuring its survival is essential for a responsive government.

Thursday, February 19, 2026

AI summit’s lofty slogan contrasts with shrinking right to information in the country : Written by: Nikhil Dey, Apar Gupta

The Indian Express: Opinion: Thursday, 19 February 2026.
“Shaping AI for Humanity, Inclusive Growth, and a Sustainable Future” seems like an empty slogan.
Indian citizens and others from across the globe attending this
summit, with an interest in the use of information for public
purposes, should not be left with any illusion that they have
a place at the table to discuss the fundamentals of the
information regime and its use in AI.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has inaugurated the Global AI-India Impact Summit, running from February 16th to 20th, with the lofty slogan, “Shaping AI for Humanity, Inclusive Growth, and a Sustainable Future.” Yet, beneath the fanfare of what is essentially a corporate-government meeting and promotion for startups, a more disturbing reality is unfolding. At a time when India stands at the crossroads of mandating how information is accessed, processed, and used, the very regime meant to empower citizens has been dismantled. The summit, ostensibly about “humanity,” is taking place in the shadow of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA), a law that has fundamentally undermined the Right to Information (RTI) and comprehensively failed to protect the right to privacy.
India’s information regime invites a fundamental question: What information can be accessed, processed, and used by citizens, rulers, and the commercial sector? At the heart of this question is a simple and constitutional precept citizens have fundamental rights of their own data, which includes public data, both individual and collective. The collective ownership of information affecting public activity and interest requires strong provisions for the right to information. The need to protect information whose disclosure would constitute an unwarranted invasion of privacy mandates a careful balance between the Right to Information and the Right to Privacy. Groups and experts working in both domains have advocated such a balance.
The RTI Act defined information expansively and comprehensively. It was celebrated for its practical approach in mandating proactive disclosure and making information accessible on demand. It had a carefully worked out set of exemptions, including protection of the individual’s right to privacy. It is important to mention that RTI and RTP activists sat together and crafted a formulation where privacy was defined as “personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest.” It allowed a public interest override even if that meant breach of privacy, when public interest necessitated disclosure of information.
This formulation stood the test of 20 years of application and implementation, with no major complaints of people’s privacy being breached. In fact, RTI users felt it was far too often used as a shield to hide misdeeds that actually “have a relationship to public activity or interest”. The RTI Act was brought in to help citizens fight corruption, challenge arbitrary exercise of power, and realise their rights. The careful balance it struck between information access and privacy protection made these objectives achievable. Its two-decade-long experience should have been able to offer the world lessons on how “AI for Humanity” could be shaped to empower citizens globally. The Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDPA) has been propagated as a rights-based law empowering people in the age of big data where their activity and lives are monetised through “datafication”. Enacted in 2023 and notified only on November 14th, 2025, it was expected to define and regulate digital data use while protecting privacy. In recent months, there has been an outcry from large numbers of citizens and advocates of information in the public interest, people who champion both the right to privacy and the right to information. The basic problem is shocking as neither act defines the right to privacy, or includes a gradation for the legal treatment of personal data. The RTI defined information and carved out a carefully drafted exemption that protected privacy.
Instead of defining or even protecting privacy, the DPDPA defines personal data as, “any data about an individual who is identifiable by or in relation to such data” — it encompasses identifiers such as name, phone number, address, post, photograph, and more without any gradation. The Act defines digital data, digital personal data, data fiduciary (anyone who processes anyone else’s information), and consent in very expansive terms that are left to be determined by a government-controlled data protection board. It also defines data breach and outlines its consequences (fines and penalties in crores of rupees) in an expansive and, therefore, chilling manner. As a final blow, through amendment 44(3), the Act destroyed the only harmony between the right to information and the right to privacy that the two acts had. By mandating that no “personal information” can be disclosed, the Right to Information Act has been transformed into the right to deny information. The amendment conflates the private with the personal by equating the right to privacy with a mandate to deny any “personal information.”
This conflation has dealt a body blow to the RTI and access to meaningful information. None of the RTI Act’s three core objectives, fighting corruption, challenging arbitrary power, or empowering citizens to realise their rights, can be achieved when any information containing identifiers is automatically exempt.
Given the wide powers and exemptions the state has under the DPDPA and the technical nature of consent that only big data companies will be able to extract at every digital step, the objectives of “Shaping AI for Humanity, Inclusive Growth, and a Sustainable Future” seem like an empty slogan, and the summit serves as a spectacle. It is meant to hide the enormous power and money they will continue to build through efficiency-enhancing algorithms and “self-learning” machines. Having been excluded by law from accessing or processing information, Indian citizens and others from across the globe attending this summit, with an interest in use of information for public purposes, should not be left with any illusion that they have a place at the table to discuss the fundamentals of the information regime and its use in AI.
(Dey is a co-convenor of the National Campaign for the People’s Right to Information, and a founder member of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan. Gupta is a Lawyer and Founder Director, Internet Freedom Foundation)

Kerala HC stays order for appointing information officers in all self-financing medical education institutions

Times of India: Kochi: Thursday, 19 February 2026.
High court has stayed for two months an order issued by the Kerala University of Health Sciences directing self-financing medical education institutions under it to appoint public information officers and appellate authorities in all colleges.
The bench of Justice M A Abdul Hakhim issued the interim order in a petition filed by the Private Nursing College Management Association of Kerala, Self-Financing Paramedical Managements Association and others, challenging the university's directive. The matter has been posted to April 10.
The petitioners contended that the university had directed self-financing colleges to appoint public information officers and appellate authorities in terms of the provisions of the Right to Information Act, 2005. The order was allegedly issued pursuant to a direction from one of the state information commissioners. The petitioners further argued that their institutions do not fall within the purview of the RTI Act, as they are completely self-financed and do not receive any financial assistance or grants from the govt or any govt bodies or authorities. Though the institutions have obtained recognition and affiliation, neither the govt nor any university exercises direct control over the institutions or their day-to-day affairs, except in matters relating to academic standards, course recognition and student admissions.
They also challenged the impugned direction of the state information commissioner, contending that it lacks legal basis.

RTI Commission issues warrant against PIO-cum-Block Development and Panchayat Officer Abohar

Punjab Newsline: Chandigarh: Thursday, 19 February 2026.
The Punjab State Information  Commission has issued a warrant against PIO-cum- Block Development and Panchayat officer, Abohar  during the hearing of a case.
Giving information in this regard, Commissioner of Punjab State Information Commission Harpreet Singh Sandhu informed that in the appeal case No. 6508 of 2023 filed by Hakam Singh, s/o Amar Singh resident of Village Ramgarh, Tehsil Abohar, the Commission has issued a warrant against Antarpreet Singh PIO-cum- Block Development and Panchayat officer, Abohar to appear before the Commission on March 19, 2026.
Sandhu said that Antarpreet Singh remained absent despite the instructions of the Commission in the 5 hearings held so far in this case. He said that the commission has also issued orders to the Rural Development and Panchayat Department to attach the salary of Antarpreet Singh.
He said that now in this case, the Commission has issued an order under Section 18 (3) (a) of the RTA Act 2005 to the Senior Supritendent Of Police, Fazilka to serve a copy of these warrants on against Antarpreet Singh PIO-cum- Block Development and Panchayat officer, Abohar and issue instructions to appear before the Commission on the next date of the case on March 19, 2026.