Queerbeat: National: Wednesday, 19 August 2026.
In two RTI responses, the ministry says it has no documented records of the evidence or consultations behind the Act. In the third, it says the records exist but can’t be made available.
The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has given contradictory responses to three Right to Information (RTI) applications about the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026. We filed these applications seeking official documentation of the processes the ministry followed while drafting the Trans Amendment Act, including the evidence it relied on and the stakeholders it consulted.
The new law amends the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, which codified the civil rights of India’s trans citizens. The amendments roll back their right to self-identify their gender; introduce government-appointed medical boards to determine who legally qualifies as trans; and potentially criminalise community structures that support trans persons.
We filed the first RTI application on 21 April 2026, requesting the social justice ministry for the following records relating to the Trans Amendment Act:
On 13 July, we filed a second RTI application, this time with the Ministry of Home Affairs. We did so to ascertain whether this ministry had received any inputs from state officials over potential security threats arising from the alleged misuse of transgender cards. Our second application requested the home ministry for details of the number of reports it had received from state governments or district collectors about the “fraudulent usage of transgender cards.” This RTI application also requested copies of any correspondence carried out by the home ministry on this issue. Finally, the application asked for details of any legal opinions that the ministry might have sought on the alleged misuse of transgender identity cards.
The home ministry redirected this RTI application to the social justice ministry. “No such information is available in the records maintained by the undersigned CPIO [Chief Public Information Officer],” the social justice ministry responded.
Finally, to ensure that we had covered all bases, we filed a third RTI application with the social justice ministry on 30 July. Many of our questions were similar to those we had asked in the first application.
The third application requested the ministry for copies of any files, file notings, reports, letters, or submissions used to draft the Trans Amendment Bill. We also asked for copies of any letters or reports the ministry had received about legal issues that other departments or state governments faced in implementing the Trans Act, 2019. As with the previous applications, we asked for copies of any reports, inputs, or letters the ministry had received about the alleged misuse of transgender cards. Finally, we requested copies of any communication about the Trans Amendment Act between the ministry and the National Council for Transgender Persons (NCTP)—a statutory body meant to advise the government on policies relating to trans and intersex people.
This time, the social justice ministry had a different response. It said that records “relating to detailed consultations, internal deliberations, inter-ministerial consultations, correspondence, and related materials” all formed part of the “decision-making process” that culminated in the submission of a Cabinet Note—an official proposal or policy document that a ministry submits to the Cabinet or relevant Cabinet Committee for approval.
The social justice ministry refused to share any records of this Cabinet Note. It cited Section 8 1 (i) of the RTI Act, which exempts the disclosure of cabinet papers, including records of deliberations among the Union Council of Ministers—the group of ministers appointed to assist the prime minister in running the central government.
“Certain portions of such records also contain internal inputs and details of officials, disclosure of which is exempted under Section 8(1)(g) of the RTI Act,” the ministry added. Section 8 (1) (g) exempts the disclosure of any information that would “endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source or information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes.”
However, the ministry’s response offered an incomplete reading of the exemption relating to cabinet papers. As Venkatesh Nayak, the director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in India, has previously noted, the RTI Act permits the disclosure of cabinet papers once the decision involving these documents has been finalised. In June 2012, in a case involving Venkatesh, the Chief Information Commission—the central government body that oversees the RTI Act’s implementation—held that all cabinet notes and material related to a bill must be placed in the public domain within seven days of being tabled in Parliament.
When we spoke to Venkatesh over the phone, he termed the social justice ministry’s refusal to share the Cabinet Note on the Trans Amendment Act “ridiculous.” Section 8(1) (i), he said, “makes it clear that once the matter is completely over, all cabinet papers, internal deliberations, reasons for the cabinet decision or materials to make that cabinet decision—all of that has to be in the public domain.”
Venkatesh also argued that the ministry needed to have “very cogent reasons” for withholding the identities of the officials involved in drafting the law, since they were performing a public duty that directly affected India’s citizens. Even if the ministry had the grounds to protect their identities, he added, it “could have easily redacted the names of the officers from the files and shared the content of the files at least.”
He was equally critical of the ministry’s initial responses, in which it claimed that it had no records of the processes it followed to formulate the Trans Amendment Act. “How can there be a bill without a drafting committee—somebody should have worked on it, it would not have materialised out of thin air,” he said. “It is a public law and affects the rights of people; there is every right, not only for transgender persons, but definitely for the citizenry of the country to know who was involved in the drafting of this law.”
At the same time, whether or not a law is grounded in reliable research seems to be left to the ministry involved. Neither India’s laws nor its Constitution legally mandate that bills or amendments be informed by an evidence-based approach, noted Namrata Mukherjee, a Senior Resident Fellow in the Legal Design and Regulation Vertical at the private think tank Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.
“Ideally, legislation and policy must be informed by an evidence-based approach. Technically, is there any mandate as such in the law? No. But should this be a part of legislative drafting culture? Yes,” Namrata said. By and large, policymaking in India tends to be “discretionary,” she noted. This means that the degree to which a particular ministry depends on reliable evidence, records that evidence, or seeks the expertise of stakeholders and external consultants “depends on whether they want to do it or not,” Namrata added.
We sent requests for comment to the information officer who had responded to our RTI applications as well as a senior bureaucrat from the social justice ministry. This copy will be updated if they respond.
We have also filed an appeal with the social justice ministry under the RTI Act to obtain the cabinet papers relating to the Trans Amendment Bill.
Why these RTI responses matter
The absence of any public records that can shed light on the Indian government’s rationale for the Trans Amendment Act becomes significant when we look back at how this Act came about.
In early March 2026, when Social Justice Minister and senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Virendra Kumar introduced the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2026 in the Lok Sabha, a nationwide uproar followed. Members of the National Council for Transgender Persons (NCTP) revealed that they were neither informed nor consulted about the amendments. Queer and trans rights groups demonstrated against the Bill across India. Opposition politicians condemned it as “draconian.”
Despite this outcry, the Bill was passed by voice vote in both the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha amid walkouts by Opposition members. By the end of March, the Bill had received the President’s assent and was enacted into law. Throughout this time, confusion prevailed over what had prompted the Trans Amendment Act and why it had been passed in such haste.
The government offered several explanations. A Statement of Objects and Reasons accompanying the Trans Bill claimed that the provision in the 2019 Act that earlier allowed trans persons to self-determine their gender made it “impossible to identify the genuine oppressed persons.” It further contended that the 2019 Act’s definition of trans persons was “vague,” rendering the implementation of its provisions “unworkable.” The social justice ministry never elaborated on the evidence that informed these conclusions. Neither did it offer clarity on who it had consulted before pushing the amendments through.
Meanwhile, in the Lok Sabha, just as the discussion on the Trans Bill began on 24 March, BJP leader and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said that the government’s proposed amendments were “not very big.” He added that the standing committee on social justice and empowerment had been engaged in “extensive discussions” over these amendments for the past year. But when queerbeat contacted four of 31 members of this standing committee—including its chairman and BJP leader PC Mohan—to ask whether the committee had deliberated the amendments at length, they contradicted Rijiju’s claim.
Days before this Lok Sabha debate, social justice ministry officials also summoned NCTP members to a meeting in Delhi, as queerbeat has earlier reported. The Council members asked officials why they hadn’t been consulted on the amendments. The officials said that they had been “talking to delegations for a long time” and that these delegations had made submissions to the ministry, one NCTP member told queerbeat.
More recently, during the monsoon session of the Parliament, the social justice ministry revealed that its senior officials had met “a delegation of transgender persons” before the Trans Amendment Act came into force. The ministry was responding to a Lok Sabha question by Thiru DM Kathir Anand, a Member of Parliament from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Given this backdrop, the social justice ministry’s reluctance to offer any clarity on the processes behind the Trans Amendment Act raises concern, said Venkatesh. “Only when we get hold of the cabinet notes can one find out about what all took place in the decision-making process inside the government,” he told us. “Access to such information is absolutely crucial if you want to be a responsible democracy.”
The ministry’s RTI responses reinforce the government’s non-consultative approach to the Trans Amendment Bill, said Anil Ukarande, founder-director of YUTAK LGBTQ Trust, a queer rights organisation in Pune. This approach showed a “wilful disregard for the rights of the community,” he added.
Petitions challenging the Trans Amendment Act are currently being heard before the Supreme Court of India.
Credits
Authors
Partha Sarathi Biswas : Partha Sarathi Biswas (he/him) is a senior journalist who has worked with publications such as The Indian Express and DNA. At present, he is on an academic break and pursuing a Master’s in Sociology from Savitribai Phule Pune University.
Esha Mitra : Esha Mitra is an award-winning journalist and producer who has reported on issues of socio-political inequalities and oppression across South Asia.
Editor
Nikita Saxena : Nikita Saxena (she/her) is an independent reporter and editor who has contributed to publications such as Rest of World, The Caravan, and The News Minute.
Illustrator
Mia Jose : Mia Jose (she/they) is a non-binary illustrator from Kerala whose work highlights personal stories marked by gender, body experiences, and their South Indian heritage. When not lost in their sketchbook, they can be found devouring all things camp and horror.
Copy Editor
Anishaa Tavag : Anishaa Tavag (she/they) is a Bengaluru-based writer, editor, dancer, and certified teacher of yoga and the Alexander Technique.
In two RTI responses, the ministry says it has no documented records of the evidence or consultations behind the Act. In the third, it says the records exist but can’t be made available.
The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has given contradictory responses to three Right to Information (RTI) applications about the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026. We filed these applications seeking official documentation of the processes the ministry followed while drafting the Trans Amendment Act, including the evidence it relied on and the stakeholders it consulted.
The new law amends the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, which codified the civil rights of India’s trans citizens. The amendments roll back their right to self-identify their gender; introduce government-appointed medical boards to determine who legally qualifies as trans; and potentially criminalise community structures that support trans persons.
We filed the first RTI application on 21 April 2026, requesting the social justice ministry for the following records relating to the Trans Amendment Act:
- All reports or files used to draft the 2026 Act
- Cases that the ministry received regarding the fraudulent usage of transgender cards/facilities in India in the past five years (A transgender identity card is a certificate issued by the social justice ministry. It enables trans people to change their name and gender in official documents and access certain government benefits. The government recently told the Supreme Court that cards issued as per the 2019 Trans Act would not be invalidated by the 2026 Amendment.)
- Any recommendations—from persons, social organisations, or NGOs—concerning the alleged misuse of the 2019 law that were considered in drafting the amendments
- Details of the members of the drafting committee of the 2026 Act
- Number of meetings held by the drafting committee and the minutes of each meeting
On 13 July, we filed a second RTI application, this time with the Ministry of Home Affairs. We did so to ascertain whether this ministry had received any inputs from state officials over potential security threats arising from the alleged misuse of transgender cards. Our second application requested the home ministry for details of the number of reports it had received from state governments or district collectors about the “fraudulent usage of transgender cards.” This RTI application also requested copies of any correspondence carried out by the home ministry on this issue. Finally, the application asked for details of any legal opinions that the ministry might have sought on the alleged misuse of transgender identity cards.
The home ministry redirected this RTI application to the social justice ministry. “No such information is available in the records maintained by the undersigned CPIO [Chief Public Information Officer],” the social justice ministry responded.
Finally, to ensure that we had covered all bases, we filed a third RTI application with the social justice ministry on 30 July. Many of our questions were similar to those we had asked in the first application.
The third application requested the ministry for copies of any files, file notings, reports, letters, or submissions used to draft the Trans Amendment Bill. We also asked for copies of any letters or reports the ministry had received about legal issues that other departments or state governments faced in implementing the Trans Act, 2019. As with the previous applications, we asked for copies of any reports, inputs, or letters the ministry had received about the alleged misuse of transgender cards. Finally, we requested copies of any communication about the Trans Amendment Act between the ministry and the National Council for Transgender Persons (NCTP)—a statutory body meant to advise the government on policies relating to trans and intersex people.
This time, the social justice ministry had a different response. It said that records “relating to detailed consultations, internal deliberations, inter-ministerial consultations, correspondence, and related materials” all formed part of the “decision-making process” that culminated in the submission of a Cabinet Note—an official proposal or policy document that a ministry submits to the Cabinet or relevant Cabinet Committee for approval.
The social justice ministry refused to share any records of this Cabinet Note. It cited Section 8 1 (i) of the RTI Act, which exempts the disclosure of cabinet papers, including records of deliberations among the Union Council of Ministers—the group of ministers appointed to assist the prime minister in running the central government.
“Certain portions of such records also contain internal inputs and details of officials, disclosure of which is exempted under Section 8(1)(g) of the RTI Act,” the ministry added. Section 8 (1) (g) exempts the disclosure of any information that would “endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source or information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes.”
However, the ministry’s response offered an incomplete reading of the exemption relating to cabinet papers. As Venkatesh Nayak, the director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in India, has previously noted, the RTI Act permits the disclosure of cabinet papers once the decision involving these documents has been finalised. In June 2012, in a case involving Venkatesh, the Chief Information Commission—the central government body that oversees the RTI Act’s implementation—held that all cabinet notes and material related to a bill must be placed in the public domain within seven days of being tabled in Parliament.
When we spoke to Venkatesh over the phone, he termed the social justice ministry’s refusal to share the Cabinet Note on the Trans Amendment Act “ridiculous.” Section 8(1) (i), he said, “makes it clear that once the matter is completely over, all cabinet papers, internal deliberations, reasons for the cabinet decision or materials to make that cabinet decision—all of that has to be in the public domain.”
Venkatesh also argued that the ministry needed to have “very cogent reasons” for withholding the identities of the officials involved in drafting the law, since they were performing a public duty that directly affected India’s citizens. Even if the ministry had the grounds to protect their identities, he added, it “could have easily redacted the names of the officers from the files and shared the content of the files at least.”
He was equally critical of the ministry’s initial responses, in which it claimed that it had no records of the processes it followed to formulate the Trans Amendment Act. “How can there be a bill without a drafting committee—somebody should have worked on it, it would not have materialised out of thin air,” he said. “It is a public law and affects the rights of people; there is every right, not only for transgender persons, but definitely for the citizenry of the country to know who was involved in the drafting of this law.”
At the same time, whether or not a law is grounded in reliable research seems to be left to the ministry involved. Neither India’s laws nor its Constitution legally mandate that bills or amendments be informed by an evidence-based approach, noted Namrata Mukherjee, a Senior Resident Fellow in the Legal Design and Regulation Vertical at the private think tank Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.
“Ideally, legislation and policy must be informed by an evidence-based approach. Technically, is there any mandate as such in the law? No. But should this be a part of legislative drafting culture? Yes,” Namrata said. By and large, policymaking in India tends to be “discretionary,” she noted. This means that the degree to which a particular ministry depends on reliable evidence, records that evidence, or seeks the expertise of stakeholders and external consultants “depends on whether they want to do it or not,” Namrata added.
We sent requests for comment to the information officer who had responded to our RTI applications as well as a senior bureaucrat from the social justice ministry. This copy will be updated if they respond.
We have also filed an appeal with the social justice ministry under the RTI Act to obtain the cabinet papers relating to the Trans Amendment Bill.
Why these RTI responses matter
The absence of any public records that can shed light on the Indian government’s rationale for the Trans Amendment Act becomes significant when we look back at how this Act came about.
In early March 2026, when Social Justice Minister and senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Virendra Kumar introduced the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2026 in the Lok Sabha, a nationwide uproar followed. Members of the National Council for Transgender Persons (NCTP) revealed that they were neither informed nor consulted about the amendments. Queer and trans rights groups demonstrated against the Bill across India. Opposition politicians condemned it as “draconian.”
Despite this outcry, the Bill was passed by voice vote in both the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha amid walkouts by Opposition members. By the end of March, the Bill had received the President’s assent and was enacted into law. Throughout this time, confusion prevailed over what had prompted the Trans Amendment Act and why it had been passed in such haste.
The government offered several explanations. A Statement of Objects and Reasons accompanying the Trans Bill claimed that the provision in the 2019 Act that earlier allowed trans persons to self-determine their gender made it “impossible to identify the genuine oppressed persons.” It further contended that the 2019 Act’s definition of trans persons was “vague,” rendering the implementation of its provisions “unworkable.” The social justice ministry never elaborated on the evidence that informed these conclusions. Neither did it offer clarity on who it had consulted before pushing the amendments through.
Meanwhile, in the Lok Sabha, just as the discussion on the Trans Bill began on 24 March, BJP leader and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said that the government’s proposed amendments were “not very big.” He added that the standing committee on social justice and empowerment had been engaged in “extensive discussions” over these amendments for the past year. But when queerbeat contacted four of 31 members of this standing committee—including its chairman and BJP leader PC Mohan—to ask whether the committee had deliberated the amendments at length, they contradicted Rijiju’s claim.
Days before this Lok Sabha debate, social justice ministry officials also summoned NCTP members to a meeting in Delhi, as queerbeat has earlier reported. The Council members asked officials why they hadn’t been consulted on the amendments. The officials said that they had been “talking to delegations for a long time” and that these delegations had made submissions to the ministry, one NCTP member told queerbeat.
More recently, during the monsoon session of the Parliament, the social justice ministry revealed that its senior officials had met “a delegation of transgender persons” before the Trans Amendment Act came into force. The ministry was responding to a Lok Sabha question by Thiru DM Kathir Anand, a Member of Parliament from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Given this backdrop, the social justice ministry’s reluctance to offer any clarity on the processes behind the Trans Amendment Act raises concern, said Venkatesh. “Only when we get hold of the cabinet notes can one find out about what all took place in the decision-making process inside the government,” he told us. “Access to such information is absolutely crucial if you want to be a responsible democracy.”
The ministry’s RTI responses reinforce the government’s non-consultative approach to the Trans Amendment Bill, said Anil Ukarande, founder-director of YUTAK LGBTQ Trust, a queer rights organisation in Pune. This approach showed a “wilful disregard for the rights of the community,” he added.
Petitions challenging the Trans Amendment Act are currently being heard before the Supreme Court of India.
Credits
Authors
Partha Sarathi Biswas : Partha Sarathi Biswas (he/him) is a senior journalist who has worked with publications such as The Indian Express and DNA. At present, he is on an academic break and pursuing a Master’s in Sociology from Savitribai Phule Pune University.
Esha Mitra : Esha Mitra is an award-winning journalist and producer who has reported on issues of socio-political inequalities and oppression across South Asia.
Editor
Nikita Saxena : Nikita Saxena (she/her) is an independent reporter and editor who has contributed to publications such as Rest of World, The Caravan, and The News Minute.
Illustrator
Mia Jose : Mia Jose (she/they) is a non-binary illustrator from Kerala whose work highlights personal stories marked by gender, body experiences, and their South Indian heritage. When not lost in their sketchbook, they can be found devouring all things camp and horror.
Copy Editor
Anishaa Tavag : Anishaa Tavag (she/they) is a Bengaluru-based writer, editor, dancer, and certified teacher of yoga and the Alexander Technique.











