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The Print: New Delhi: Tuesday, 10th February
2026.
Court directs civic body
to file affidavit on compliance steps; civic body had claimed Section 86 of DMC
Act governs circulation, not RTI law.
The Delhi High Court last
week pulled up the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) for failing to publish
key civic records on its website even 20 years after the Right to Information
(RTI) Act came into force.
A division bench of Chief
Justice Devendra Kumar Upadhyaya and Justice Tejas Karia observed that the
civic body has not fulfilled its statutory disclosure obligations despite the
law being enforced in October 2005.
The observations were made
while hearing a public interest litigation (PIL) by the Centre for Youth
Culture, Law and Environment, a Delhi-based NGO, which had sought directions to
upload legislative records, house proceedings, and resolutions passed by standing
committees dating to 1957.
“Accordingly, prima facie,
it is apparent that the statutory mandate and the duty casts on the MCD by
Section 4 of the RTI Act has yet not been fully followed even after lapse of
twenty years since the RTI Act was enforced.” the court noted.
The bench directed the MCD
to file a detailed affidavit within four weeks, explaining what steps it has
taken to meet its disclosure obligations under the RTI Act by publication. It
also directed the civic body to file a para-wise reply to the claims made in
the petition.
The order is based on
Section 4 of the RTI Act, 2005, which mandates “suo-moto” or proactive
disclosure of information by all public authorities. Section 4(1)(b) obligates
every public authority to publish specified categories of information, and
Section 4(2) provides that every authority must make constant endeavour to
provide information at regular intervals.
As the bench noted, the
intent of Parliament was that information be placed in the public domain so
that citizens have “minimum resort to the use of the RTI Act for the purpose of
obtaining information.”
The MCD relied on Section
86 of the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, 1957, arguing that it governs
circulation and inspection of resolutions and minutes.
But the Bench said that
disclosure of minutes was squarely covered within the RTI Act, while the DMC
Act merely prescribed internal circulation among specified office-holders such
as MLAs and chairpersons of committees.
“Section 86 of the DMC Act
in our opinion has nothing to do with dissemination of information and
particulars to (the) public, as is the mandated under… RTI Act,” the court
observed.
Addressing the argument
that resolutions and minutes need not be published, the court extracted Section
4(1)(b)(viii), which specifically requires the publication of statements
regarding boards, councils, and committees, and whether their meetings or minutes
are accessible to the public.
“Thus, public bodies,
including the MCD, is (are) under statutory mandate to publish the information
in terms of requirement of Section 4(1)(b) of the RTI Act,” it said, adding:
“No exception in this regard can be granted to any public authority, including
the MCD.”
The petition arose from
RTI replies issued by the MCD in September 2025, where the civic body claimed
there are no rules or guidelines for publication of such material on its
website. “There is (are) no rules and guidelines that govern the publication of
resolutions passed by MCD on its official websites. The same is govern(ed) by
as per the provision of Section 86 of DMC Act, 1957,” the MCD had said.
Even on appeal, the first
appellate authority reiterated this position.
The matter has been
scheduled for further hearing in April.
(Edited by Prerna Madan)
Modern Ghana: Ghana: Tuesday, 10th February
2026.
The passage of Ghana's
Right to Information (RTI) Act in 2019 was hailed as a watershed moment in the
nation's democratic evolution. After nearly two decades of advocacy, Act 989
finally inscribed into law the citizen's right to access information held by
public institutions. Yet seven years after its passage and nearly five years since
the establishment of the Right to Information Commission in 2020, Ghana's RTI regime
has devolved from legislative triumph to operational tragedy.
The Long March to
Legislative Victory
The campaign for RTI
legislation began in earnest in the early 2000s, driven by media practitioners,
civil society organizations, and academics who recognized that Ghana's democratic
architecture remained incomplete without robust information access. The argument
was both philosophical and practical: democracy thrives not merely on periodic
elections but on an informed citizenry capable of holding power to account between
electoral cycles.The global context reinforced this imperative.By the time Ghana's
RTI Act passed, over 120 countries had enacted similar legislation, aligning with
international instruments from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights.
The Act's provisions were
comprehensive and forward-thinking. It established the presumption that all
information held by public institutions is accessible unless specifically
exempted. It created mechanisms for appeals and review. Most importantly, it
established an independent commission with the mandate to oversee implementation,
receive complaints, and ensure compliance. On paper, Ghana had crafted one of
the most progressive information access frameworks in Africa.
The Phantom Commission:
Inaccessibility As Institutional Culture
The Right to Information
Commission, despite being fully resourced with an Executive Secretary (Mrs.
Genevieve Shirley Larty), seven Board Members, and seven Senior Management
Staff, has achieved the remarkable feat of becoming itself a fortress of inaccessibility
in the domain of information access.
Of the three contact
telephone numbers on the Commission's website (+233 302 788 353; +233 302 788
410; +233 302 788 412), only one functions. The other two are declared
"invalid" by the telecommunications network. The functional number,
when dialed repeatedly over seven days in January 2026, morning and afternoon,
elicited nothing but silence no automated response, no voicemail, no human
voice.
8th of January 2026. Weeks
later, my inquiry remains unanswered. Worse still, there is not a single direct
official contact for any of the seven senior management staff no direct email
addresses, no official phone contacts. The Commission's website displays their
names and titles with bureaucratic pride, but conspicuously omits the means by
which they can be reached directly. This paradox visibility without accessibility
epitomizes the Commission's approach to transparency: performative rather than
substantive.
More troubling is the
Commission's failure to fulfill its core statutory function. When I copied the
Commission (rticommission@rti.gov.gh) on an email requesting an internal review
of an RTI request to a public institution, the response was deafening silence.
No acknowledgment of receipt. No follow-up after the statutory review period
elapsed. No intervention when the institution failed to provide the requested information.
It was only on the 9th of
February 2026, after more than a month of persistent attempts, that I finally
connected with a staff member who promised to "get back to me with
feedback on my email." The officer did indeed follow up—only to reveal
that the boss was unable to trace the email I had sent on the 7th of January
and requested that I resend the
information. That an institution mandated to ensure information accessibility
cannot maintain basic email records speaks volumes about operational
dysfunction.
The Paradox of
Institutional Irresponsiveness
How does an institution
created to enhance governmental transparency become itself opaque? The answers
lie at the intersection of political economy, organizational culture, and
Ghanaian public sector pathologies.
First, there is
institutional design without accountability. The RTI Commission enjoys significant
autonomy but operates with minimal oversight. While independence from political interference is essential, it
creates conditions for institutional inertia when not balanced with robust
accountability mechanisms. Who monitors the monitor?
Who ensures that the
guardians of transparency are themselves transparent?
Second, the Commission's
failure reflects a broader crisis in Ghana's public service ethos. Recruitment
and retention systems often prioritize credentials over commitment, connection
over competence. The result is a cadre of officials who view public service
positions as sinecures rather than responsibilities, as sources of "fat salaries"
rather than platforms for meaningful service. President John Dramani Mahama's
"reset agenda" must, if it is to have any substance, fundamentally
reset this mindset.
Third, there is the
familiar African paradox of "laws without enforcement." As the Kenyan
scholar Peter Anyang' Nyong'o has argued, Africa is not suffering from a deficit
of laws but from a surfeit of unenforced legislation. Ghana's statute books are
replete with progressive laws that exist more in theory than in practice. The
RTI Act has joined this melancholy catalogue of good intentions poorly
executed.
The Cost of Institutional
Failure & Path to Redemption
When the institution
created to democratize access to information becomes inaccessible, it
delegitimizes the entire RTI framework. Citizens lose faith not merely in the
Commission but in the law itself. Public institutions, observing the Commission's
ineffectiveness, feel emboldened to ignore RTI requests with impunity.
Access to information is
instrumental to virtually every democratic function investigative journalism,
civil society advocacy, electoral accountability, academic research. When the
RTI regime collapses, it creates a ripple effect across Ghana's civic ecosystem.
The current state of
affairs is untenable, but it is not irredeemable. Several interventions, if
pursued with political will and bureaucratic seriousness, could salvage the RTI
regime from its current trajectory toward irrelevance.
First, there must be
immediate and comprehensive restructuring of the Commission. This should begin
with a candid performance audit examining why basic functions answering phones,
responding to emails, processing complaints are not being executed. Are there
capacity constraints? Is there a shortage of personnel? Or is there, more
troublingly, a culture of indifference that no amount of additional resources
will remedy?
Second, the Commission's
governance structure requires strengthening. The Board must be empowered and
incentivized to exercise active oversight rather than serve as a decorative
appendage. Regular performance reporting to Parliament with consequences for
persistent underperformance should be instituted. The Executive Secretary
should be subject to periodic performance reviews that assess not merely administrative
outputs but actual impact on information accessibility.
Third, there must be
investment in technological infrastructure that reduces reliance on human
responsiveness for basic functions. Automated acknowledgment systems for
requests, online tracking mechanisms, and digital complaint management systems
are not expensive innovations; they are basic features of modern public administration.
Their absence in the RTI Commission in 2026 is inexcusable.
Fourth, there should be
meaningful civil society engagement in monitoring the Commission's performance.
Organizations like the Media Foundation for West Africa, the Centre for
Democratic Development, and the Ghana Integrity Initiative should be formally
incorporated into oversight mechanisms, providing both external accountability
and technical support.
Finally, there must be a
cultural transformation within the Commission itself. This cannot be achieved
through circulars or directives alone but requires leadership that understands
public service as vocation rather than employment, as accountability rather
than privilege. President Mahama's government must demonstrate that the "reset"
is not merely rhetorical but substantive, beginning with institutions like the RTI
Commission that embody the state's relationship with its citizens.
Conclusion: The Imperative
of Implementation
Ghana's RTI Act represents
one of the country's most significant legislative achievements of the 21st
century. It embodies the aspirations of a society committed to transparency,
accountability, and participatory governance. But laws, as the American jurist
Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. reminded us, are not mathematical theorems; they are
social instruments whose value lies entirely in their implementation.
The current state of the
RTI Commission is not merely an administrative failure; it is a betrayal of the
citizens who campaigned for this law, the legislators who crafted it, and the
democratic ideals it was meant to advance. If an institution created to facilitate
access to information is itself inaccessible, if a body tasked with promoting transparency
operates opaquely, then the very foundation of the RTI regime is compromised.
As Ghana navigates the
complexities of democratic consolidation in an era of global uncertainty, the
effectiveness of its transparency mechanisms will prove crucial. The choice
before the government is stark: either invest genuine political capital in making
the RTI Commission functional and responsive, or accept that Ghana's celebrated
democratic credentials are more performative than substantive.
If the Commission
established to ensure access to information by Ghanaians from public
institutions becomes itself inaccessible, what is the value or significance of
the passing of the RTI law, establishment of the Commission, and payment of
substantial salaries to an executive secretary, senior management, and
allowances to board members?
The reset that President
Mahama promises must begin here, with the unglamorous but essential work of
making public institutions actually serve the public. President Mahama's reset
agenda should actually reset the mindsets of public workers who think the
public service is just a conduit to draw fat salaries but not to act responsively
in the service of the public. The Right to Information Act can still fulfill
its transformative promise but only if the Commission charged with its implementation
is itself transformed from an institutional nightmare into a functional
guardian of Ghana's
democratic aspirations.
The question is not
whether Ghana needs new laws but whether it possesses the political will to
make existing laws work. The answer will be written not in legislative chambers
but in the responsiveness of institutions like the RTI Commission to the citizens
they were created to serve.
By Hardi Shahadu
The Author is a Lecturer
in the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies at the University for
Development Studies. His research interest include Communication & Governance,
Institutional & Civic Accountability, Monitoring, Evaluation &
Institutional Learning, Institutional Vulnerability & Resiliency.
Mathrubhumi: New Delhi: Tuesday, 10th February
2026.
The Central Information
Commission (CIC) has flagged serious transparency gaps in the way compassionate
appointments are managed in government departments.
In a recent order
involving the Central GST and Central Excise Department in Lucknow, the
Commission directed officials to share the records of the departmental
screening committee (DSC), warning that keeping these decisions secret
undermines public trust.
Information Commissioner
Vinod Kumar Tiwari pointed out that when a department admits a case was
reviewed by a DSC, all related documents including meeting minutes and merit
lists fall under the RTI Act. Simply telling an applicant that their case was
considered but not approved is not enough to meet transparency standards.
Compassionate
appointments, meant to provide immediate support to families of deceased
employees, are supposed to be an exception to normal recruitment rules.
However, unclear criteria, inconsistent evaluations, and limited disclosure
have made them a source of disputes and repeated RTI requests.
The CIC stressed that even
appointments offered as exceptions must be transparent. Departments cannot hide
behind the compassionate nature of the job to avoid scrutiny, especially when
courts have upheld disclosure of merit lists in competitive exams.
The Commission has ordered
the Lucknow department to provide certified copies of DSC meeting minutes and
the merit list related to the applicant’s case within three weeks. Tiwari also
urged all departments to review and standardise their policies, citing Himachal
Pradesh’s point-based system as a model that balances fairness, compassion, and
administrative discipline.
Clear rules and proactive
disclosure, the CIC said, would reduce grievances, minimise discretionary
decision-making, and make compassionate appointments more transparent and
trustworthy for those who depend on them.
Udayavani: Lucknow: Tuesday, 10th February 2026.
Dubey first submitted an
application to the Public Information Officer, Secondary Education Council,
Uttar Pradesh, on May 24, 2025, requesting certified photocopies of the
evaluated answer sheets for Hindi, English, Mathematics, Science, Social
Science, and Drawing.
A 15-year-old class 11
student was handed photocopies of his class 10 answer sheets by the education
department after nine months struggle waged through the Right to Information
Act.
State Information
Commissioner Mohammad Nadeem, in his order, warned the public information
commissioner (PIO) of punitive action under Section 20 of the RTI Act, 2005.
In his February 4 order,
Nadeem suggested a censure to the PIO's conduct "as a constant reminder
and prevent the repetition of such irresponsible behaviour towards any other
student in the future." Jhansi resident Shashi Shekhar Dubey passed his
class 10 exam from the UP Board in 2025. He scored 100 out of 100 in
Mathematics, 92 in Hindi, 90 in Science, 87 in Social Science, 84 in Drawing,
and 73 in English.
He felt that he should
have got higher marks in subjects other than Mathematics and filed an RTI
application seeking copies of his answer sheets.
Dubey first submitted an
application to the Public Information Officer, Secondary Education Council,
Uttar Pradesh, on May 24, 2025, requesting certified photocopies of the
evaluated answer sheets for Hindi, English, Mathematics, Science, Social
Science, and Drawing.
When he did not get the
copies within the stipulated time, he filed a first appeal on June 24, 2025,
and subsequently, a second appeal before the state information commission.
The latest appeal was
heard by a bench headed by Information Commissioner Mohammad Nadeem on three
different dates.
The PIO informed the
commission through written submissions dated September 18 and November 13 that
the appellant was sent a letter on July 26 and summoned to the Board office on
August 22 to review the answer sheets, but he did not appear.
Dubey told the commission
that the UP Board was misrepresenting facts and that he was being called to
review the answer sheets only to avoid providing him with the evaluated answer
sheets.
He also stated that the
Board was falsely claiming that there was no rule to provide copies of the
answer sheets, and that only review was permitted.
On the December 4 hearing,
the officer representing the UP Board, Principal Assistant ('pradhan sahayak')
Manoj Kumar, stated that the provision for providing evaluated answer sheets
existed earlier, but not anymore.
Nadeem directed the PIO to
submit a copy of any such new rule at the next hearing, failing which punitive
action would be considered.
On February 2, 2026, the
PIO regretted the delay and submitted a written statement informing that
certified copies of the evaluated answer sheets for all six subjects had been
provided to the appellant.
Dubey assessed his copies
and demanded a revaluation.
But the bench wrote that
directing the revaluation of answer sheets or increasing marks does not fall
under the jurisdiction of the Information Commission and suggested pursuing
other legal remedies.
"The Commission deems
it necessary to record that the conduct of the Secondary Education Council,
Uttar Pradesh, in this case, was not only evasive but also demonstrated gross
insensitivity towards a minor and meritorious student," Nadeem wrote.
He
said that contradictory and confusing answers, such as "there is no rule
to provide them," and "scrutiny is underway," were completely
contrary to the spirit of the Right to Information Act.
The Indian Express: Article: Monday, 9th
February 2026.
The reasoning given by the
PMO was that the corpus of these funds is constituted entirely with voluntary
public contribution and not from any allocation out of the Consolidated Fund of
India.
THE PRIME Minister’s
Office (PMO) has told the Lok Sabha Secretariat that Parliament questions and
matters related to PM CARES Fund, the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund
(PMNRF) and the National Defence Fund (NDF) are not admissible under rules related
to the conduct of business in Lok Sabha, The Indian Express has learnt.
It is learnt that on
January 30, the PMO told the Lok Sabha Secretariat that questions and matters
related to the three funds are not permissible under Rule 41(2) (viii) and
41(2)(xvii) of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha.
Under the stipulated
conditions that govern the right to ask questions in the Lok Sabha, Rule 41(2)
(viii) states that “it shall not relate to a matter which is not primarily the
concern of the Government of India”. Rule 41(2) (xvii) states “it shall not
raise matters that are under the control of bodies or persons not primarily
responsible to the Government of India”.
The reasoning for
questions and matters not being admissible in Lok Sabha given by the PMO, it is
learnt, was that the corpus of these funds is constituted entirely with
voluntary public contribution and not from any allocation out of the
Consolidated Fund of India.
The PMO told the Lok Sabha
Secretariat that in case a situation arises to determine the admissibility of a
question or notice of zero hour or special mention seeking information on the
three funds arises, the conditions in the provisions may be exercised, it is
learnt.
The PMO did not respond to
an emailed query from The Indian Express on its communication with the Lok
Sabha Secretariat in this regard. Mukesh Kumar Sharma, Joint Secretary, Lok
Sabha Secretariat (Media & Public Relations Branch), did not respond to requests
for comment from The Indian Express.
When PM CARES was set up
The PM CARES fund was set
up on March 27, 2020, following the Covid outbreak. “Keeping in mind the need
for having a dedicated fund with the primary objective of dealing with any kind
of emergency or distress situation, like posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, and to
provide relief to the affected, a public charitable trust under the name of
‘Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situations Fund
(PM CARES Fund)’ has been set up,” the official website of PM CARES fund
states.
The fund was registered as
a Public Charitable Trust and its trust deed has been registered under the
Registration Act, 1908, at New Delhi on March 27, 2020.
As per the PM CARES Fund
receipts and payment account report for 2022-23, which is the last published on
its official website, the total balance at the end of March 2023 stood at Rs
6,283.7 crore.
In January 2023, the
Centre had informed the Delhi High Court that PM CARES Fund has been set up as
a public charitable trust and is not created under the Constitution or any law
made by the Parliament or the state. The Centre had made the submission during
the hearing of a plea seeking to declare the fund a “state” under Article 12 of
the Constitution to ensure transparency in its functioning.
The Centre in its
affidavit had said that the trust is “neither intended to be or in fact owned
or controlled” by any government or any instrumentality of the government and
the composition of the board of trustees consisting of holders of public office
is merely for administrative convenience.
The affidavit also stated
that since it is not constituted under law or the Constitution, PMCARES does
not constitute a public authority under the provisions of the RTI Act.
On August 18, 2020, the
Supreme Court had “refused” to order transfer of funds from the PM CARES Fund
to the National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF), saying they “are two entirely
different funds with different object and purpose” and “there is no occasion”
for such a direction.
The apex court had also
said guidelines specifically provide for audit of the NDRF by the Comptroller
& Auditor General of India, but PM CARES Fund is a public charitable trust
due to which “there is no occasion” for such an audit.
Dismissing a writ petition
filed by the NGO, Centre for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL), the court had
said: “The funds collected in the PM CARES Fund are entirely different funds
which are funds of a public charitable trust and there is no occasion for
issuing any direction to transfer the said funds to the NDRF”.
In December 2020, The
Indian Express had reported, based on RTI records, that apart from over Rs
2,400 crore in Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) funds, over 100 PSUs from
across sectors together contributed nearly Rs 155 crore from staff salaries to
the PM CARES fund.
The PMNRF was established
in January 1948 with public contributions to assist displaced persons from
Pakistan. Its resources are now utilised primarily to render immediate relief
to families of those killed in natural calamities like floods, cyclones and
earthquakes, etc., and to the victims of major accidents and riots.
The NDF is used for the
welfare of members of the Armed Forces, including paramilitary forces, and
their dependents. The fund is administered by an Executive Committee, with the
PM as Chairperson, and Defence, Finance and Home Ministers as Members, according
to its official website.
Times of India: Hyderabad: Monday, 9th February
2026.
A backlog in the
processing of Right to Information (RTI) requests has surfaced as a major
transparency concern in Telangana, with official data revealing that nearly 98%
of RTI applications filed through the state's online portal over the past three
years remain unresolved, raising serious questions about access to information
and administrative accountability.
Information obtained under
the RTI Act by B Vinod Reddy, an RTI activist, from the information technology,
electronics and communications (ITE&C) department shows that 17,865 RTI
applications were filed online between Dec 2022 and Dec 2025, of which only 377
were disposed of. The backlog is even more stark at the appellate stage: 2,502
first appeals were filed during this period, with not a single case disposed
of, indicating a systemic logjam rather than routine delay.
The Telangana RTI online
portal was launched on Dec 15, 2022, in compliance with binding directions of
the Supreme Court in Pravasi legal cell versus Union of India, which mandated
all states and Union Territories to operationalise online RTI mechanisms. While
the portal is technically in place, the data shows that pendency has steadily
accumulated with negligible clearance.
Poor participation
One of the principal
reasons appears to be poor participation by public authorities. Of the 3,323
public authorities onboarded onto the portal, only 17 are actively using it to
dispose of RTI applications, translating into a non-usage rate of nearly 99.5%.
As a result, both applications and first appeals have effectively stalled
within the digital system.
The issue has also drawn
attention to the functioning of the Telangana Information Commission (TGIC),
the statutory body tasked with enforcing the RTI Act. Citizens have flagged
delays in hearings, insistence on physical submissions in several cases, and
slow delivery of orders, all of which contribute to overall pendency.
Responding to concerns
over the backlog, state chief information commissioner G Chandrashekar Reddy
told TOI that the commission had made substantial progress over the last seven
months and significantly reduced legacy pendency. "This is our progress in
the last seven months. We are far ahead of many states with the least
pendency," he said.
According to Reddy, the
commission is now up to date in 15 of the state's 30 departments and 15 of its
33 districts. He said statutory audits, pending since the formation of
Telangana, have been completed up to March 2025, and annual RTI reports have
been submitted to the legislature up to 2024. He also said that Telangana is
the first state to institute RTI awards to motivate public authorities.
‘Info flow for all'
"When we joined,
cases were pending from 2013 onwards. We ensured information in all those
cases. Now, cases are pending from 2021 onwards, which we are confident of
bringing to 2025 by March," he said, adding that this progress was
achieved despite prolonged vacancies in the commission in previous years.
"RTI is in safe hands in the state, and we are sure to ensure information
flow for all," he said.
While the commission
highlights gains in clearing long-pending cases and strengthening institutional
processes, the official figures from the online RTI portal continue to show
overwhelming pendency. The contrast between improvements claimed at the commission
level and the portal data underlines the continuing challenge of converting
statutory intent and judicial mandates into timely access to information for
citizens.
The Times of India: Chennai: Sunday, 8th
February 2026.
The state information
commission has ordered departmental action against the headquarters deputy
tahsildar in Pallavaram for trying to cover up an omission on her part, in a
reply to a plea filed under the RTI Act. The matter relates to the
non-implementation of a Chengalpet district revenue officer's order in 2023.
Chief information
commissioner Md Shakeel Akhter directed the Chengalpet RDO to initiate
departmental action against the then deputy tahsildar, Kanchana, who was also
the public information officer, and submit a report by March 5.
The petitioner, T V
Madhanagopal of Chromepet, was also given a remedy, as the panel directed the
present PIO and headquarters deputy tahsildar, N Pushparani, to implement the
RDO's order and give information to the petitioner.
The RDO's order in 2023
directed removal of a name from the ‘A register' with respect to a survey
number in Pammal and inclusion of another name. Madhanagopal sought details on
implementation of the order through an RTI plea in 2024.
Since Madhanagopal did not
get a proper response, he approached the information commission through a
second appeal. When the matter first came up for hearing in June last year, the
commission ordered the then deputy tahsildar to provide the necessary information
within 15 days. A month later, the reply was reviewed, and the commission
concluded the information provided was not satisfactory and gave another month
to provide the required information.
However, since there was
no response, Madhanagopal moved a non-compliance petition before the panel and
the same was taken up for hearing in Jan.
Bar and Bench: Columns: Sunday, 8th February
2026.
Can judicial
interpretation introduce categorical exclusions when parliament deliberately
used inclusive language?
India’s Right to
Information (RTI) regime stands at an unusual constitutional crossroads. Over
the past two decades, the RTI Act, 2005 has evolved into one of the most
effective accountability mechanisms within the country’s democratic framework.
Yet, recent judicial
developments reveal a troubling paradox - while courts continue to strengthen
transparency obligations of public authorities, interpretive restrictions
simultaneously narrow the procedural rights available to citizens seeking
information.
Two recent developments
illustrate this growing doctrinal tension. First, the Central Information
Commission's (CIC) interpretation, drawing on a Madras High Court ruling, bars
advocates from filing RTI applications in matters they handle. Second, the Delhi
High Court’s sharp reprimand of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) for
failing to comply with proactive disclosure obligations under Section 4 of the
RTI Act.
Together, these
developments raise fundamental constitutional questions that arguably require
the Supreme Court's authoritative resolution.
The advocate exclusion:
Restriction without statutory foundation
The RTI Act uses unusually
expansive language. Section 6(1) provides that “any person” seeking information
may file an RTI application. The Act explicitly incorporates subject matter
exemptions under Section 8 and institutional exemptions under Section 24.
Notably, parliament refrained from imposing professional or status-based
exclusions.
Despite this legislative
clarity, recent administrative practice, supported by judicial interpretation,
has begun treating advocates as ineligible to invoke RTI in matters connected
to the cases they represent. The underlying reasoning suggests that allowing
lawyers to file RTI applications may convert the statute into a professional
litigation tool.
This interpretation
effectively introduces a professional disqualification that is absent from the
statutory text. It raises a core question in constitutional jurisprudence: can
judicial interpretation introduce categorical exclusions when parliament deliberately
used inclusive language?
The anomaly becomes even
more evident in practice. An advocate who files an RTI request in a
representative capacity may be rejected. The same advocate, filing the same
request as an individual citizen, may succeed. Such an interpretation
undermines statutory transparency while incentivising procedural concealment.
Access to justice and
structural inequalities
The implications of
advocate exclusion extend beyond professional inconvenience. They directly
affect the operational effectiveness of access to justice.
The Supreme Court has
consistently recognised that access to justice forms part of Article 21. In
Anita Kushwaha v. Pushap Sudan, the Court emphasised that access to justice
must be practical and effective rather than merely theoretical.
In the ground realities of
Indian litigation, most litigants lack the capacity to independently navigate
administrative disclosure systems. Legal aid lawyers and district practitioners
routinely rely on RTI to obtain government records, particularly where
traditional discovery mechanisms fail.
Applications under Order
XI of the Civil Procedure Code (CPC) frequently encounter procedural delays.
Requests under Section 91 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) are often
ignored or indefinitely postponed. RTI introduced statutory timelines, appellate
oversight and penalty provisions that significantly enhanced record
accessibility.
Restricting advocates' use
of RTI, therefore, risks creating structural inequality within the justice
delivery system. Litigants with resources may be able to pursue alternative
compliance mechanisms, whereas marginalised litigants may effectively lose access
to critical evidence.
Article 14 and the
doctrine of reasonable classification
The advocate exclusion
also invites scrutiny under Article 14. Constitutional jurisprudence requires
that any classification satisfies the twin tests of intelligible differentia
and a rational nexus to the legislative objective.
Here, the objective of the
RTI Act is to promote transparency and accountability. Denying access solely on
the basis of professional status appears difficult to justify within this
framework. Identical information remains accessible when sought by an individual
citizen, but becomes restricted when sought by a legally trained representative
acting on behalf of another citizen.
Such classification risks
being characterised as arbitrary, particularly when the statute itself does not
contemplate professional restrictions.
Misuse concerns and the
principle of proportionality
The primary justification
advanced for advocate exclusion is the potential misuse of RTI by legal
practitioners. However, constitutional proportionality requires that
restrictions on statutory rights must be narrowly tailored and least
restrictive.
The RTI Act already
contains safeguards addressing misuse. Section 7(9) permits rejection of
disproportionate requests. Section 8 protects sensitive information from
disclosure. The appellate framework provides supervisory oversight.
A blanket professional
prohibition, therefore, appears disproportionate. It restricts legitimate use
while failing to eliminate misuse, which may simply shift into informal
channels.
MCD case: Reaffirming the
spirit of RTI
In contrast to the
restrictive interpretation emerging in advocate exclusion cases, the Delhi High
Court’s recent judgment concerning the MCD reinforces the foundational
philosophy of the RTI Act.
In a public interest
litigation (PIL) filed by the Centre for Youth, Culture, Law and Environment,
the Court examined MCD’s failure to proactively disclose legislative
proceedings, resolutions, and committee records. The Bench, led by Chief
Justice DK Upadhyaya and Justice Tejas Karia, expressed concern that even two
decades after the enactment of the RTI Act, statutory obligations under Section
4 remained unfulfilled.
The Court rejected MCD’s
reliance on provisions of the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act to justify
non-disclosure, emphasising that municipal statutes cannot dilute the
transparency obligations imposed under the RTI Act. It directed the civic body
to file compliance affidavits, signalling judicial recognition of systemic
administrative opacity.
Section 4: The
constitutional backbone of RTI
The MCD judgment
highlights Section 4 as the philosophical cornerstone of RTI. The provision
envisages a governance framework in which public authorities proactively make
information available to the public, thereby reducing dependence on individual
RTI applications.
However, compliance with
Section 4 has historically been weak across public institutions. The Delhi High
Court’s intervention reflects its recognition that transparency cannot remain
merely reactive. It must be institutionalised through voluntary disclosure.
This interpretation aligns
with the constitutional values of participatory governance and administrative
accountability.
The emerging
jurisprudential conflict
The co-existence of
advocate exclusion and proactive disclosure enforcement reveals an emerging
doctrinal conflict. While courts are strengthening institutional transparency
obligations, procedural avenues enabling citizens to access information through
professional assistance are being restricted.
This duality risks
creating a transparency framework that is theoretically robust but practically
inaccessible.
The need for authoritative
Supreme Court clarification
The conflict between
inclusive statutory language and restrictive judicial interpretation
necessitates authoritative clarification by the Supreme Court. The issues
involved raise fundamental constitutional questions:
- Can courts introduce
professional exclusions into a rights-based statute framed in universal
language?
- Does advocate exclusion
violate Articles 14 and 21?
- Can concerns regarding
misuse justify categorical professional disqualification?
- How should courts
reconcile proactive disclosure obligations with procedural access rights?
The resolution of these
questions will determine whether RTI continues to function as a citizen-centric
accountability mechanism or evolves into a technically accessible but
functionally restricted statute.
Transparency as a
constitutional value
The Supreme Court has
repeatedly recognised the right to information as an essential component of
Article 19(1)(a). RTI represents legislative recognition of this constitutional
value.
Transparency statutes
operate as instruments of democratic accountability. Their effectiveness
depends not merely on statutory existence, but on functional accessibility.
Restricting professional facilitation of information access risks diluting the
enforcement of transparency.
Simultaneously, judicial
insistence on proactive disclosure reinforces that transparency is not an
optional administrative practice but a constitutional governance norm.
India’s RTI regime is
undergoing a significant interpretive transition. Judicial decisions are
simultaneously strengthening institutional transparency obligations while
narrowing procedural access.
The phrase “any person” in
Section 6 represents a conscious legislative commitment to universal
accessibility. Introducing professional disqualifications risks undermining
both statutory fidelity and constitutional equality.
The Supreme Court now
stands uniquely positioned to reconcile this emerging conflict. Its
intervention can restore doctrinal coherence, protect access to justice and
reaffirm RTI as a cornerstone of democratic accountability.
The future credibility of
India’s transparency framework may well depend on how this constitutional
tension is resolved.
(Dr Ajay Kummar Pandey is an advocate practicing
before the Supreme Court of India.)
Lagatar: Ranchi: Saturday, 7Th February 2026.
After a prolonged legal
battle spanning 15 years, Saint Joseph College (Khunti) has approached the
Supreme Court, challenging the Jharkhand State Information Commission’s 2016
directive to disclose financial documents under the Right to Information (RTI)
Act. The case centers on the refusal to provide audit reports and utility
certificates to Professor Akshya Kumar Rai.
Background of the Dispute
In 2016, Prof. Rai filed
an RTI request seeking four key pieces of information:
- Audit reports from FY
2011–2015
- Utility certificates for
grants used
- Minutes of Governing Body
meetings during that period
- Documents detailing
government grant usage and the rationale for not spending on
government-appointed faculty
The college denied the
request, citing its status as a minority institution and claiming the
information was confidential and exempt under RTI provisions.
Information Commission’s
Ruling and High Court Battles
The State Information
Commission ruled in Prof. Rai’s favor in September 2016, ordering the college
to furnish all requested information. The college then challenged this decision
in the Jharkhand High Court, initiating a legal contest that continued for
nearly a decade.
In May 2024, Justice Anil
Kumar Choudhary upheld the commission’s decision. Unrelenting, the college
filed a Letters Patent Appeal (LPA), which was also dismissed in 2025 by a
bench comprising Justices Sujit Narayan and Rajesh Kumar, who stated that due to
the substantial government funding, the college falls within the ambit of the
RTI Act.
Supreme Court Appeal Filed
Now in 2026, the college
has escalated the matter to the Supreme Court. While the appeal has been
admitted, the apex court has yet to schedule a hearing.
The Hindu: Madurai: Saturday, 7Th February 2026.
Prompt and proper response
to the applicants seeking information through the Right To Information Act of
2005 would reflect the transparent administration of the government, said State
Information Commissioners here on Friday.
The Sivaganga district
administration had organised an interaction with the SICs and the Principal
Information Officers from various departments at the District Collectorate.
The SICs R. Priya Kumar,
V.P.R. Elamparithi and M Natesan stressed the need for swiftness in the
response as it would give a fillip to the applicants. There were certain
procedures in obtaining the information.
It would be ideal for the
authorities to be aware of the amends in the RTI at regular intervals.
While some of the
departments have exemption and information need not be disseminated to the
applicants, the Information Officers, however, should respond to other
applications without delay.
In case of any slackness,
the applicants move the appellate authorities, which should be avoided in the
normal course. This, the SICs said, would give a positive outlook of the
departments and the officers as well.
The SIC also clarified on
the rights of the petitioners and responsibilities of the officers in each
department. In the event of any document missing, the officer concerned shall
track for the copies and furnish the details sought by the applicant instead of
simply responding that the documents are not available or missing, they
suggested.
Explaining the objectives
of the RTI and the role of the State Information Commission and among others,
the top officers also explained the features of sharing information to those
seeking them as a mark of highest integrity and a reflection of fairness in the
administration.
District Revenue Officer
S. Selvasurabi presided over the meeting in which officials from various
departments participated.
Times of India: Surat: Saturday, 7Th February
2026.
Even as demand rises for
early morning departures and late-night arrivals at Surat Airport, an RTI reply
has revealed that all 10 night-parking bays meant for Code-C aircraft (A321,
B739) have been allotted to non-scheduled operators.
According to airport
sources, at least one scheduled airline has sought two night-parking bays at
present. However, no slots are currently available, as all 10 bays have
reportedly been assigned to owners of non-scheduled aircraft from Surat,
Ahmedabad and Mumbai.
The revelation has raised
serious questions over planning and utilisation of public funds, especially
after Surat International Airport underwent a major modernisation project worth
Rs 353 crore, including Rs 150 crore spent on expanding aircraft infrastructure.
Documents obtained under
the Right to Information (RTI) Act show that the airport has 17 parking bays in
total 13 compatible for Code-C aircraft and four meant for smaller aircraft.
However, internal Airports Authority of India (AAI) records indicate that all
10 night-parking bays earmarked for overnight use were allotted to
non-scheduled operators, leaving no space for scheduled airlines such as
IndiGo, Air India Express and Star Air.
The issue persists despite
the construction of 18 new parking bays and a parallel taxi track as part of a
major airside infrastructure upgrade aimed at boosting flight operations and
aircraft movement. Of these 18 bays, five are yet to be operationalised.
Airport sources said that
among the 10 allotted night-parking bays, three were given to Ventura
Airconnect, while one each was allotted to Shreeji Aviation, Rajhans Infracon,
Ishwer Dholakia, Steamhouse, KPAI Afrotech, Global Vectra Helicorp and Dharma Nandan
Diamond.
Rajesh Modi, a long-time
tracker of airport development, said, "This reflects serious
mismanagement. There is no space for scheduled airlines that drive passenger
traffic and regional connectivity. The airport now has permanent 24×7
operations, yet scheduled airlines are being asked to wait. This defeats the
purpose of night and early morning operations and raises concerns about how
capacity planning is being done."
However, airport
authorities maintained that night-parking facilities would be made available
once early morning and late-night flights begin operations.
"According to rules,
night parking is available to any operator scheduled or non-scheduled between
10 pm and 6 am. However, we always prioritise scheduled flights. We will shift
Ventura aircraft to their hangars, which will free three bays. Soon, five more
parking bays for bigger aircraft will also be operationalised as they are in
the final phase," an airport official said.
Northeast News: Shillong: Friday, 6Th February
2026.
A Meghalaya RTI activist
has raised serious questions over the appointment of seven Officers on Special
Duty (OSDs) in the Chief Minister’s Office (CMO), alleging a lack of
transparency and favouritism in their selection, as well as the use of public
funds for their salaries and allowances.
Manbhalang Phankon, an RTI
activist from Madanrting, claimed that information obtained through the Right
to Information (RTI) Act shows that seven contractual OSDs were personally
appointed and attached directly to Chief Minister Conrad K. Sangma without any
open recruitment process, competitive examination or public advertisement.
According to the RTI
replies, each of the seven OSDs receives a monthly salary of Rs 1 lakh. The
state exchequer has spent Rs 1,68,12,785 on their salaries since 2019.
The RTI documents also
revealed that three of the OSDs alone claimed travel allowances (TA) amounting to
Rs 1,49,93,374 during the same period, a figure that is nearly equal to the
total salary expenditure on all seven appointees.
Phankon said, “The CMO is
already staffed with senior IAS, MCS, IPS and MPS officers, as well as consultants,
and questioned the need for additional OSDs on high pay when many educated
youths in the state remain unemployed.
“This money could have
been used to create genuine employment opportunities instead of benefiting a select
few,” he said.
He alleged that the
appointments lacked transparency and merit, and said this was in contrast to
the Centre, where OSDs are usually senior civil servants on deputation and
selected through proper procedures.
“These salaries and
allowances are paid from public funds. If these positions require special
expertise, they should be filled through proper recruitment channels and boards
like other government posts,” Phankon said.
He said he had made the
information public to allow citizens to judge the matter for themselves. “As an
RTI activist, I am placing the facts before the people and leaving it to them
to judge,” Phankon said.
Divya Bhaskar: Ahmedabad Friday, 6Th February
2026.
RTIનાં હેઠળ નાગરિકોના અધિકારોનું રક્ષણ કરતા ચુકાદામાં
ગુજરાત માહિતી આયોગ દ્વારા ગાંધીનગર સ્થિત પ્રાથમિક શિક્ષણ નિયામક કચેરીના જાહેર
માહિતી અધિકારીને કાયદાકીય જોગવાઈઓના ઉલ્લંઘન બદલ રૂ. 7000નો રોકડ દંડ ફટકારવામાં આવ્યો હતો.
આ અંગે સાવરકુંડલાના
વકીલ દીપેશભાઈ જોશી દ્વારા માહિતી મેળવવા માટે અરજી કરવામાં આવી હતી. આ અરજી જે-તે
કચેરીને સંબંધિત ન હોવા છતાં, RTI એક્ટની
કલમ મુજબ તેને 5 દિવસની અંદર સંબંધિત વિભાગમાં
તબદીલ કરવાની જવાબદારી જાહેર માહિતી અધિકારીની હતી.
જોકે, જાહેર માહિતી અધિકારી આર. એન. અસારી દ્વારા આ અરજી તબદીલ
કરવામાં 28 દિવસનો ગુનાહિત વિલંબ કરવામાં
આવ્યો હતો. આ મામલે થયેલી ફરિયાદની સુનાવણી દરમિયાન રાજ્ય માહિતી કમિશનર વિપુલ
રાવલે નોંધ્યું હતું કે, અરજી તબદીલ કરવાની
સંપૂર્ણ જવાબદારી જે-તે અધિકારીની હોય છે અને રજીસ્ટ્રી શાખાના વિલંબનું કારણ
સંતોષકારક ગણી શકાય નહીં.
આયોગે સ્પષ્ટ કર્યું કે
માહિતી આપવામાં કે અરજી ટ્રાન્સફર કરવામાં વિલંબ એ કાયદાનો ભંગ છે. માહિતી અધિકાર
અધિનિયમની કલમ હેઠળ મળેલી સત્તાનો ઉપયોગ કરીને, આયોગે
28 દિવસના વિલંબ બદલ પ્રતિ દિન 250 લેખે કુલ રૂ. 7000નો દંડ ફટકારવામાં આવ્યો
છે.
હુકમ મુજબ દંડની રકમ
અધિકારીએ પોતાના અંગત ભંડોળ અથવા પગારમાંથી ભરવાની રહેશે. આ રકમ 1 માસની અંદર સરકારી તિજોરીમાં જમા કરાવી તેની પહોંચ આયોગને
મોકલવા હુકમ કરાયો હતો.