The Week: Cover: Friday, 5th October 2025.
Aruna Roy is a socio-political activist and founder-member of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan
Q/ How did Devdungri
become a focal point for the RTI movement? How has the movement transformed the
village?
The idea of living in Devdungri was to live with the people, like them. Even before MKSS was formed, a struggle with a feudal landlord in nearby Sohangarh spread the word that this group works on people’s issues. Initially, people were sceptical about our motives but soon their confidence grew. When people came with grievances, it became clear that access to information was critical to getting basic rights.
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In 1992, a ration truck
arrived late in the evening, and the following morning when villagers went to
collect their ration, the dealer told them it had already been distributed!
This resulted in an investigation that disclosed the fraud. At the time, a committee
Devdungri Vikas Samiti was formed and a PDS (public distribution system)
licence was obtained. A person trained by the MKSS now runs the ration shop
with transparency.
The campaign for the Right to Information made people realise the need to engage with governance not as a supplicant but as a citizen to demand a right. What began with the campaigns for the right to work and right to food has now spread to a demand for universal pension and more.
Q/ What are your most memorable experiences from the RTI campaign? What were the innovative ways in which the demand was raised?
The struggle for RTI has been a people’s campaign. Their modes of communication have been built organically into a transformative and, for some, even a spiritual journey for truth. Mohan Ram of the MKSS, an illiterate dalit bard, shaped a strong communication stream of collective singing. The movement developed many songs, street plays, puppet shows, pamphlets, slogans and political skits and satires like Ghotala Rath Yatra (scam chariot march). Many of these songs were in the local dialect and picked their tone and rhythms from traditional songs. The hela is a political choir where a group of citizens sings on contemporary issues. There is a history [of the RTI campaign] that can be woven through their songs.
Q/ How has public perception of RTI evolved?
What began as a poor villager’s question about wages in public works developed into a huge campaign with multiple questions from multiple geographic areas on a spectrum of issues. The act of questioning itself was viewed as an offence before RTI. Many poor people who were denied their rights and questioned authority had to face police action. Authorities at all levels have become responsive. The constitutional definition of the people as sovereign has got a practical shape through the act of questioning.
Q/ The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, which tracks attacks on RTI users, has reported that more than 100 activists have been killed in the past two decades. Did you anticipate this?
Information is power. Those who do not want to share power will logically not want information to be shared. Disclosure of information exposes corruption/malpractice; we all know that.... By sharing as much information as possible in the public domain, one reduces the capacity to misuse power. Even during the public hearings conducted in the 1990s, people who spoke against malpractices were threatened. When there is a group involved in seeking information, individuals are at lower risk. The Whistleblowers Protection Act has been passed in 2014 to save these lives, but the government is still to notify it.
Q/ Do you believe the
essence of RTI has been diluted? What role do you see technology playing in
either enhancing or restricting access to information?
We have seen a trend where RTI has gradually been weakened, both in its letter and spirit. Whether through the appointment of information commissioners or the changes related to their appointment, salary and tenure, there has been a deliberate effort to weaken the RTI structure.
Often, the information is not provided either citing clauses related to third party information or country’s security or personal information. The government has also sought to exclude later legislations from the purview of the act. The most heinous has been the provisions of the recently passed Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act. Under section 2(t), “Personal data means any data about an individual who is identifiable by or in relation to such data.” (This could be seen as a vague definition, and activists say this could lead to anything becoming ‘personal data’.) “Personal data breach” under section 2(u) in the law means, “Any unauthorised processing of personal data or accidental disclosure, acquisition, sharing, use, alteration, destruction or loss of access to personal data that comprises the confidentiality, integrity or availability of personal data.” To put this simply, unless you have the express “consent” of the other person, you cannot process any personal information that has been digitised in any way.
The person responsible for any potential breach is called a ‘data fiduciary’ under section 2(i) and means, “Any person who alone or in conjunction with other persons determines the purpose and means of processing of personal data.” (A data fiduciary is any company, small or large, that handles personal data of Indians.)
While the law should ideally protect individuals from both the surveillance state and big data companies, who have been commercially mining data, it instead grants the government sweeping immunity from the applicability of this act and carves out a special space for the commercial use of data.
Under section 37(1)(b), there is a provision for the Central government to block content on the internet, so the larger technology and information companies will be brought in line to make sure that the ‘data fiduciaries’ will remain subservient to the priorities of the government. The few exemptions outlined in sections 7 and 17 of the bill come with qualifications and conditions that are to be defined by the government, thereby effectively ensuring that the government becomes the “master” and ultimate authority within the entire information framework. This bill, if enacted and implemented, will destroy transparency and fail to meet its goal of protecting data privacy.
Technology is a tool that can be used either to enhance RTI or to kill it. Technology has helped in gathering information and displaying it in an easy way, cutting across any language, geography, departments, etc. Portals like Jan Soochna Portal in Rajasthan and Mahiti Kanaja in Karnataka are live examples of how technology can play a transformative role by providing real-time information to citizens on a single platform. At the same time, using technology, a lot of information is being squeezed out of citizens and either made secret or misused for surveillance or for commercial purposes. Accessing information still remains a difficult process, notwithstanding RTI, because of the resistance of the system. This is creating serious information power imbalance.
Q/ The RTI movement demonstrated the power of grassroots activism in sustaining democratic processes. Given today’s political and social climate, do you think such movements have become more challenging?
Today’s environment is definitely challenging, which makes it all the more important for us to uphold constitutional values and principles. The demand for transparency directly stems from our fundamental right to a dignified life and lets an individual take an active part in governance. It allows us to check any arbitrary use of power. RTI has given every concerned citizen an opportunity to engage in public action. Any effort to subvert RTI has to be [challenged], as it is the gateway demand [for] democratic rights.
Q/ What lessons do you think future activists can learn from the RTI movement?
People understand democracy when you unpack the lexicon and jargon in which governance is usually cloaked. If you stand with truth and conviction, you get unimaginable support. An issue raised by a small number of illiterate labourers resulted in the snowballing of that issue, with people from all sections of society joining in. A democratic process needs people’s participation to thrive. People are not just beneficiaries, they are active agents of change.
Aruna Roy is a socio-political activist and founder-member of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan
 |
| Aruna Roy | Kritajna Naik |
The idea of living in Devdungri was to live with the people, like them. Even before MKSS was formed, a struggle with a feudal landlord in nearby Sohangarh spread the word that this group works on people’s issues. Initially, people were sceptical about our motives but soon their confidence grew. When people came with grievances, it became clear that access to information was critical to getting basic rights.
.png)
The campaign for the Right to Information made people realise the need to engage with governance not as a supplicant but as a citizen to demand a right. What began with the campaigns for the right to work and right to food has now spread to a demand for universal pension and more.
Q/ What are your most memorable experiences from the RTI campaign? What were the innovative ways in which the demand was raised?
The struggle for RTI has been a people’s campaign. Their modes of communication have been built organically into a transformative and, for some, even a spiritual journey for truth. Mohan Ram of the MKSS, an illiterate dalit bard, shaped a strong communication stream of collective singing. The movement developed many songs, street plays, puppet shows, pamphlets, slogans and political skits and satires like Ghotala Rath Yatra (scam chariot march). Many of these songs were in the local dialect and picked their tone and rhythms from traditional songs. The hela is a political choir where a group of citizens sings on contemporary issues. There is a history [of the RTI campaign] that can be woven through their songs.
Q/ How has public perception of RTI evolved?
What began as a poor villager’s question about wages in public works developed into a huge campaign with multiple questions from multiple geographic areas on a spectrum of issues. The act of questioning itself was viewed as an offence before RTI. Many poor people who were denied their rights and questioned authority had to face police action. Authorities at all levels have become responsive. The constitutional definition of the people as sovereign has got a practical shape through the act of questioning.
Q/ The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, which tracks attacks on RTI users, has reported that more than 100 activists have been killed in the past two decades. Did you anticipate this?
Information is power. Those who do not want to share power will logically not want information to be shared. Disclosure of information exposes corruption/malpractice; we all know that.... By sharing as much information as possible in the public domain, one reduces the capacity to misuse power. Even during the public hearings conducted in the 1990s, people who spoke against malpractices were threatened. When there is a group involved in seeking information, individuals are at lower risk. The Whistleblowers Protection Act has been passed in 2014 to save these lives, but the government is still to notify it.
 |
| Where it all began: MKSS founding member Shankar Singh (standing, second from right) with early and current members of the MKSS in Devdungari | Sanjay Ahlawat |
We have seen a trend where RTI has gradually been weakened, both in its letter and spirit. Whether through the appointment of information commissioners or the changes related to their appointment, salary and tenure, there has been a deliberate effort to weaken the RTI structure.
Often, the information is not provided either citing clauses related to third party information or country’s security or personal information. The government has also sought to exclude later legislations from the purview of the act. The most heinous has been the provisions of the recently passed Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act. Under section 2(t), “Personal data means any data about an individual who is identifiable by or in relation to such data.” (This could be seen as a vague definition, and activists say this could lead to anything becoming ‘personal data’.) “Personal data breach” under section 2(u) in the law means, “Any unauthorised processing of personal data or accidental disclosure, acquisition, sharing, use, alteration, destruction or loss of access to personal data that comprises the confidentiality, integrity or availability of personal data.” To put this simply, unless you have the express “consent” of the other person, you cannot process any personal information that has been digitised in any way.
The person responsible for any potential breach is called a ‘data fiduciary’ under section 2(i) and means, “Any person who alone or in conjunction with other persons determines the purpose and means of processing of personal data.” (A data fiduciary is any company, small or large, that handles personal data of Indians.)
While the law should ideally protect individuals from both the surveillance state and big data companies, who have been commercially mining data, it instead grants the government sweeping immunity from the applicability of this act and carves out a special space for the commercial use of data.
Under section 37(1)(b), there is a provision for the Central government to block content on the internet, so the larger technology and information companies will be brought in line to make sure that the ‘data fiduciaries’ will remain subservient to the priorities of the government. The few exemptions outlined in sections 7 and 17 of the bill come with qualifications and conditions that are to be defined by the government, thereby effectively ensuring that the government becomes the “master” and ultimate authority within the entire information framework. This bill, if enacted and implemented, will destroy transparency and fail to meet its goal of protecting data privacy.
Technology is a tool that can be used either to enhance RTI or to kill it. Technology has helped in gathering information and displaying it in an easy way, cutting across any language, geography, departments, etc. Portals like Jan Soochna Portal in Rajasthan and Mahiti Kanaja in Karnataka are live examples of how technology can play a transformative role by providing real-time information to citizens on a single platform. At the same time, using technology, a lot of information is being squeezed out of citizens and either made secret or misused for surveillance or for commercial purposes. Accessing information still remains a difficult process, notwithstanding RTI, because of the resistance of the system. This is creating serious information power imbalance.
Q/ The RTI movement demonstrated the power of grassroots activism in sustaining democratic processes. Given today’s political and social climate, do you think such movements have become more challenging?
Today’s environment is definitely challenging, which makes it all the more important for us to uphold constitutional values and principles. The demand for transparency directly stems from our fundamental right to a dignified life and lets an individual take an active part in governance. It allows us to check any arbitrary use of power. RTI has given every concerned citizen an opportunity to engage in public action. Any effort to subvert RTI has to be [challenged], as it is the gateway demand [for] democratic rights.
Q/ What lessons do you think future activists can learn from the RTI movement?
People understand democracy when you unpack the lexicon and jargon in which governance is usually cloaked. If you stand with truth and conviction, you get unimaginable support. An issue raised by a small number of illiterate labourers resulted in the snowballing of that issue, with people from all sections of society joining in. A democratic process needs people’s participation to thrive. People are not just beneficiaries, they are active agents of change.
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