Varta Bharati: Karnataka: Sunday, August 17, 2025.
It is not often that the legislature speaks in one voice. But on Tuesday, the Karnataka Assembly witnessed one such rare sight. Legislators from both the ruling and opposition benches came together — not to defend public interest, but to demand curbs on RTI activists. Their argument: the RTI Act is being misused by some activists to blackmail officials and elected representatives.
Like adding a rotten pumpkin to a spoiled coconut, the question raised by ruling party MLA Kaujalagi Mahantesh found eager support from opposition leader Basangouda Patil Yatnal. “RTI activists are building lavish bungalows, parking cars in front of them, and living in luxury. Where is the money coming from?” Yatnal thundered. The demand was for a new law to rein in RTI activists and curb their “illegal activities.” Some legislators even wanted special time allotted for a debate, though the Speaker did not allow it.
What the Assembly needed that day was not a chorus against RTI activists, but a serious debate in their defence. Because the truth is this: genuine RTI activists are the ones under attack. The law that once empowered them has been steadily diluted, and those who continue the fight for transparency are now paying with their lives.
The numbers tell a grim story. Since the RTI Act came into force, more than 80 activists have been murdered across India. In Bihar alone, 21 activists have lost their lives in the last decade. In Karnataka, at least six activists have been killed while pursuing the truth. Threats, intimidation, and false cases have become part of their daily struggle. Those who expose the mining mafia, sand mafia, or political corruption cannot even move about safely in public.
And yet, despite the risks, activists have kept alive the spirit of the RTI Act. Thanks to their work, countless scams have been unearthed. The irony is hard to miss: the RTI Act was brought in by the UPA government, and it was the very same law that exposed UPA-era corruption and contributed to its fall from power. The difference, however, is stark. For all its faults, the UPA still allowed citizens to question. Today, under the Modi government, the RTI Act has been hollowed out to the point where information barely reaches the people.
In such a climate, legislators should be demanding protection for activists. They should be asking the government to strengthen the law, not weaken it further. Instead, it is disturbing to see them accuse activists of blackmail, when in truth, it is the corrupt practices of legislators and officials that make them vulnerable in the first place.
When lawmakers cry, “RTI activists are blackmailing us,” they are indirectly admitting their own guilt. Yes, misuse of RTI exists. But misuse thrives only where corruption runs deep. If politicians and officials had nothing to hide, what power would a so-called blackmailer hold over them?
Yatnal asks, “Where do RTI activists get money for cars and houses?” But let every legislator ask themselves a more uncomfortable question: how is it that one’s wealth multiplies overnight after entering politics? How does a man who once lived in a rented house suddenly become the owner of bungalows and luxury cars after two terms in office?
To be clear, there are indeed a few who misuse RTI for personal gain. But that number is small compared to the many who risk their lives daily to keep democracy accountable. And the bigger truth is this — the misuse of RTI will reduce only when corruption among those in power reduces.
There is no need for a separate law to tie the hands of RTI activists. What is needed is a political class willing to clean up its own house. To attack RTI activists is not just hypocrisy; it is an attempt to silence the people and crown the politicians as the only masters.
In the end, this debate is not about activists versus legislators. It is about whether ordinary citizens still have the right to know how their money is being spent. And the answer to that question will decide whether democracy is alive, or just a slogan.
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