Thursday, September 28, 2017

International Right To Know Day – Pakistan’s RTI Legislation Is A Zero-Sum Game! : By Amer Ejaz

DunyaNews: Pakistan: Thursday, September 28, 2017.
On August 22, the Senate of Pakistan passed the Right of Access to Information (RAI) Bill 2017. Members of the Senate congratulated each other on this epic moment as citizens of Pakistan are being granted their due right to information, as enshrined in the constitution of Pakistan. Since then, some discussion has been generated both in the mainstream media and social media about the merits of this bill. The state-owned PTV also allocated some time to discuss the merits of this bill and declared it as a very progressive step in line with the provincial Right to Information (RTI) legislation.
Many people know that right to information was granted in 2002 when, during the Musharraf regime, the Freedom of Information (FOI) Ordinance 2002 was introduced at the federal level. Later, Balochistan and Sindh legislated similar laws to be effective on provincial departments. Since 2002, civil society in Pakistan has been critical about the restrictive nature of these laws. The usage of these laws has proved time and again that their scope was limited and very little information could be obtained through them.
The FOI Ordinance 2002 and the subsequent legislation in Balochistan and Sindh are termed first generation laws because of their weaknesses and restrictive nature. The Right to Information legislation done in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab in 2013 and in Sindh in 2017, referred as the second generation laws, was a giant leap forward. There are some qualitative differences between the first generation and second generation laws:
  1. The second generation laws have a narrowly drawn list of exemptions; beyond which every information is public information in essence and citizens have the right to seek this information.
  2. The second generation laws have a strong pro-active disclosure clause whereby the public body is duty bound to bring maximum information in public domain on its own and without any formal information requests made by citizens,
  3. The second generation laws have a powerful and independent appellate body, called Information Commission, to whom complaint can be lodged if the information is denied to citizens.
  4. A penalty clause was also introduced in second generation laws. The public official who willfully deny information to a citizen can be penalised by the commission if it is satisfied that information was denied without any reasonable ground.
The newly introduced RAI Bill has the last three of the above-mentioned characteristics. It has a relatively strong and well laid down clause for pro-active disclosure. Although the FOI Ordinance 2002 also had a proactive disclosure clause, it is better explained in the RAI Bill 2017. The new bill also guarantees a powerful and independent appellate body, the Pakistan Information Commission. This again is a step forward when compared with the FOI Ordinance 2002!
In the FOI Ordinance 2002, the office of federal ombudsman is the appellate body and it is supposed to decide a complaint within six months. In comparison, the Information Commission in the proposed legislation is required to decide the appeal within 60 days. Similarly, the FOI Ordinance 2002 does not have any penalty clause. If information is denied to citizens, all a federal ombudsman can do is to direct the public body to provide the information. It does not have a sting of penalty that can be imposed in case of willful denial of information to citizens. The proposed law does contain the penalty clause whereby a maximum fine of 100 days salary can be imposed on a public official if information is willfully denied to citizens or disclosure of information is delayed.
These aspects put the RAI Bill 2017 in the list of second generation laws, but the free flow of information is controlled through the introduction of Section 6 in the bill. This section is copied from the FOI Ordinance 2002 where it appears as Section 7. It explains what kind of information will be treated as public record and will be available to citizens. The list is narrow and only includes: (a) policies and guidelines; (b) transactions involving acquisition and disposal of properties; (c) information regarding grant of licenses, allotment and other benefits; and (d) final orders and decisions.
The RAI Bill’s scope has been further reduced by the introduction of Section 7 (Section 6 of the FOI Ordinance 2002) that states noting on files and minutes of the meeting are not included in the definition of public record; hence not available to citizens. Going one step ahead, the proposed law gives the minister an authority to declare any information as classified; a power which should rest with the information commission instead.
One can argue that most of the information should be part of the pro-active disclosure clause and should be available in public domain. The citizens and civil society organisations who have been using the FOI Ordinance 2002 to seek information from public departments can understand the restrictive nature of its Section 7. This section, in effect, not only stops the flow of information but also legalises concealment of information. For example, invoking Section 6 of the RAI Bill 2017, we cannot ask for the attendance list of MNAs and senators, copy of the logbook of official transport or the steps taken by the environment agency against the manufacturers and traders of polythene bags.
Had this law not been in place, there was a possibility that citizens might have received the information from a public body after making the request. But the FOI Ordinance 2002 and the RAI Bill 2017 legally define public record and put most of the information outside the purview of citizens. The RAI Bill 2017 appears to be progressive in nature when we see the information commission, penalty regime and proactive disclosure clause, but you only need to know simple mathematics to understand it. When you multiply any number with zero, the answer is always zero, no matter how big this number is. Section 6 of the RAI Bill 2017 is zero of the bill and multiply it with any powerful information commission, or strict penalty regime, the answer will always be zero.