Livemint: Delhi: Thursday, March
30, 2017.
One of the
most intriguing elements of this year’s budget presentation was Union finance
minister Arun Jaitley’s pitch for political funding reform. On the heels of
demonetisation, analysts cheered the news as exactly the sort of follow-on
measure needed if the reality of anti-corruption policy was to catch up with
the government’s lofty rhetoric. After all, here was a government using its
bully pulpit to tackle an issue that few administrations want to acknowledge,
much less legislate on.
Two months
later, the Modi government’s big political funding reform push has ended not
with a bang, but a whimper. Ironically, this is because the government has
succeeded, rather than failed, in enacting its proposals.
Today,
India’s political finance regime is plagued by four major infirmities. First,
there is a steady torrent of undocumented cash that lubricates the activities
of both parties and candidates. Second, there is virtually no transparency
regarding political contributions. In the vast majority of instances, we are
ignorant about the identities of both the giver and the receiver. Third,
political parties are not subject to any form of independent audit, which
renders their stated accounts both fictional and farcical. Fourth, despite the
fact that the Election Commission of India is one of the world’s most powerful
election bodies, its powers as outlined in the Representation of the People Act
are outdated. Today, the agency struggles to take action on even the most
egregious campaign spending violations.
Against this
backdrop, what has the government chosen to do? For starters, it has lowered
the limit for cash donations to political parties from Rs20,000 to Rs2,000. It
has insisted that corporations too refrain from cash giving, requiring them to
donate via cheque or digital payment. The Finance Bill also introduced the
concept of an “electoral bond” by which corporations can purchase time-limited
bearer bonds from scheduled banks and transfer those bonds to the registered
bank accounts of political parties. While these funds will flow through the
banking system (rather than under the table), corporations are neither obliged
to disclose their purchases nor are parties required to report their deposits.
At the eleventh hour, the government belatedly attached two amendments to the
Finance Bill. The first eliminates the cap on corporate giving (which
previously stood at 7.5% of a corporation’s average net profits over the
previous three years), while the second abolishes the provision that firms must
declare their political contributions on their profit and loss statements.
It should be
clear by now that there is a dramatic mismatch between what ails political
finance in India and the government’s “reform” measures. On the plus side, the
Modi administration—true to its post-demonetisation ethos—has taken steps to
clamp down on cash in politics. While its efforts are noteworthy, they would
merit greater acclaim if the government had scrapped cash donations altogether,
insisting that political parties embrace the new “Digital India”.
Furthermore,
while the government has lowered the cash limit to Rs2,000, it has not touched
the disclosure threshold, which remains at Rs20,000. Politicians are already
privately joking that the new cash cap will easily be gamed; the only
difference is that their chartered accountants will demand a raise.
The big loser
here is the public. With the stated intention of improving “transparency in
electoral funding”, the government has accomplished precisely the opposite
objective. Consider the fact that corporations can now legally give unlimited
sums to political parties which, in turn, can accept unlimited sums of
money—all without having to disclose a single rupee. This money will now be
subject to a digital paper trail, but this is explicitly meant to be off-limits
to the media, civil society and the general public.
The danger in
what has transpired is that the government can claim victory; it can tell those
who have not read the fine print that it has struck a bold assault on a major
weakness of Indian democracy. Yet, after the Bill’s passage, public disclosure
remains a distant dream. Party accounts will reach new heights of opacity.
There is complete silence on the Central Information Commission’s ruling that
parties are subject to the Right to Information (RTI) Act and, in the meantime,
the government has opened the floodgates to special interests. And it has done
so under the cloak of the Finance Bill, thereby completely sidestepping the
need for Rajya Sabha approval, and with last-minute amendments that were
air-dropped under the cover of darkness with zero discussion.
Sadly, we
have seen this movie before: Last year the government, with the connivance of
the Congress Party, used the Finance Bill to retroactively amend the Foreign
Contributions Regulations Act (FCRA) to evade a Delhi high court judgement
which found the Congress and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party guilty of
accepting foreign contributions. The two national parties did not like how the
court ruled, so they simply changed the law to sidestep justice. While the Modi
government has been shy of commenting on last year’s brazen manoeuvre, it has
embraced this year’s changes by intimating that the alterations merely nudge
India towards the political funding system that prevails in democracies like
the US. As if the latter’s record on this score is something that should be
celebrated, rather than condemned.