Records of several public trusts missing from Ahmedabad Charity Commissioner’s office

Gujarat Samachar: Ahmedabad: Saturday, 24 January 2026.
Serious lapses in record-keeping have come to light at the Charity Commissioner’s office in Ahmedabad, with crucial documents related to public trusts reportedly missing.

Ahmedabad city and district have hundreds of public trusts engaged in social and charitable activities. However, documents such as Public Trust Registers (PTRs), constitution and other key records categorised as ‘A-Class’ records are missing from the office of the Deputy Charity Commissioner, it has emerged.
The issue came to light after an applicant associated with social work in eastern Ahmedabad sought information under the Right To Information (RTI) Act from the Deputy Charity Commissioner’s office in Vastrapur. The office admitted in its reply that the A-Class records related to the concerned trust were not available.
Further, during the appeal process, the state archives office in Gandhinagar also stated that such records were not preserved there. Officials indicated that this was not limited to Ahmedabad alone, with similar situations prevailing in several offices across Gujarat.
A-Class records are considered critical as they include trust deeds, constitution, registration details, court orders and other vital documents. The absence of these records has raised serious questions over the functioning and accountability of the charity administration.
The missing records have allegedly led to misuse, with valuable land and properties owned by public trusts becoming vulnerable to illegal encroachments.
In several cases, the absence of PTRs has prevented the appointment of new trustees after the death of old ones, allowing unscrupulous elements to take over trust properties worth crores, sources said.

RTI Filed Seeking information in J&K Waqf Board Promotions and Leasing of Waqf Properties

Kashmir Age: Srinagar: Saturday, 24 January 2026.

Advocate Haamid Bhat has filed an application under the Right to Information Act, 2005 before the Public Information Officer, Jammu & Kashmir Waqf Board, seeking details of appointments, promotions, seniority lists, and leasing/allotment of Waqf properties in the Kashmir Division from 2019 till date.
The RTI seeks certified records relating to promotion orders, service rules, step-up promotions, engineering wing promotions, minutes of Board meetings, and lease deeds and tender processes, including government approvals under the Waqf Act, 1995. Particular focus has been laid on alleged irregular promotions and illegal leasing or alienation of Waqf land.
Advocate Haamid Bhat stated that the RTI has been filed in larger public interest to ensure transparency, accountability, and protection of Waqf properties, adding that further legal action will be initiated if violations are revealed.

Indian Railways says fare fixation formula is ‘trade secret’ : S. Vijay Kumar

The Hindu: Chennai: Saturday, 24 January 2026.
Indian Railway refuses to share information on the formulation of fare structure under RTI Act

The Indian Railways has refused to disclose the methodology of fare fixation of different classes saying it was a “trade secret.”
Responding to a petition filed under the Right to Information Act, 2005, seeking information on the standard methodology or criteria used by the Indian Railways for calculating the base fare for train tickets across categories, the Chief Public Information Officer held that the classification and methodology of fare fixation fell in the domain of trade secret/intellectual property rights and disclosure was not considered appropriate in public interest.
After the petitioner appealed against the decision before the Central Information Commission, the Director, Rates, and Joint Director, Railway Board, clarified that the Indian Railways is run as a commercial utility and, at the same time, being an instrumentality of State was required to discharge various social obligations in national interest.
Profits distributed to common man
“Therefore, the disclosure of pricing related information is not justified in public interest, as profit if any is distributed to common man and is not retained for the benefit of personal gain as in the case of private enterprise,” the respondents said.
Justifying the denial of information under the provisions of Section 8(1)(d) of the Act, the CPIO shared the latest base fare structure for passenger train services that came into effect from December 26, 2025.
Upholding the decision of the railways, the commission said that the CPIO was only a communicator of information based on records held in the office and not expected to create information as per the desire of the petitioner. The public authority could only provide information readily available on record. The reply given by the CPIO was in consonance with the provisions of the Act and there was no infirmity in the same.
After the recent revision in fares, the railways announced the pricing for the newly launched Vande Bharat sleeper trains, which were significantly higher when compared to the existing fare structure of Mail/Express and Super Fast Express trains, railway sources said.

Information Lapses Persist: RTI Non-Compliance in Delhi's Health Department

Devdiscourse: New Delhi: Saturday, 24 January 2026.

Chief Information Commissioner Raj Kumar Goyal has raised concerns over continued non-compliance with the RTI Act by the Delhi government's health department. Despite 20 years since the Act's implementation, public information officers remain unaware of their duties, leading to significant delays in processing RTI applications.
The Chief Information Commissioner, Raj Kumar Goyal, has expressed significant concerns over the persistent non-compliance with the Right to Information (RTI) Act by the health department of the Delhi government, despite the Act being in place for two decades.
In a recent order, Goyal highlighted the lack of awareness among public information officers and first appellate authorities of the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) about their statutory obligations. This issue emerged during the handling of a second appeal related to an RTI request filed last year, seeking inspection reports and registration details of a West Delhi private hospital.
The commission documented that a reply from the public information officer was only furnished after an eight-month delay, post intervention, underscoring a systemic issue. Consequently, Goyal has communicated the need for action and accountability within RTI functionaries to the principal secretary (Health) and has issued a show-cause notice for potential penalization of the involved officer.

20 years of RTI, Delhi health dept still not alert about legal duties: CIC flags poor compliance

The Print: New Delhi: Saturday, 24 January 2026.

Expressing concern over continued non-compliance with the RTI Act even two decades after its enactment, Chief Information Commissioner Raj Kumar Goyal has flagged lapses by the Delhi government’s health department and said there is an urgent need to sensitise them about their statutory duties.
In an order in Hindi on January 16, CIC Goyal observed that despite 20 years of implementation of the RTI Act, public information officers and first appellate authorities in the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) were “not alert” to their legal responsibilities, and termed it a “serious issue”.
The remarks came while disposing of a second appeal related to an RTI application which was filed on May 15, 2025, seeking details related to inspection reports, action taken and registration status of a private hospital in West Delhi.
The commission noted that no reply was furnished by the public information officer within the stipulated time, nor was any order passed by the first appellate authority, forcing the applicant to move the CIC.
The information was ultimately provided only on January 7, 2026, nearly eight months later and that too after the commission issued notices, highlighting what it termed “inordinate delay” and failure to discharge statutory obligations under the RTI Act.
Taking note of the systemic nature of the lapse, the CIC directed that a copy of the order be forwarded to the principal secretary (Health), Delhi government, for appropriate action. He also stressed the need for awareness and accountability among RTI functionaries.
The commission also issued a show-cause notice to the then public information officer for the delay in furnishing information, asking him to explain why a penalty of up to Rs 25,000 should not be imposed under the RTI Act.
This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. The Print holds no responsibility for its content.

Gujarat SIR 2002: RTI figures show door-to-door verification led to deletion of 59,199 names

New Indian Express: Ahmedabad: Friday, 23 January 2026.
Yet the 2002 revision was not a story of contraction. Despite the removal of over sixty thousand names, additions were substantially higher.

With the draft electoral roll under the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) now in the public domain and the deadline for filing objections fast approaching, political temperatures across Gujarat have risen sharply over the numbers embedded in the voter list.
Back in 2002, the SIR data obtained through RTI clearly documents how voter roll evolved from the draft stage to final publication.
The SIR exercise of 2001–02 began on August 31, 2001, and concluded with the publication of the final roll-on April 10, 2002, spanning nearly seven months. Throughout this period, systematic verification was carried out, with every stage objection handling, field-level scrutiny, and door-to-door verification leaving its imprint on the final list.
At the outset, Gujarat’s draft voter roll stood at 3,16,82,489 voters. This draft served as the baseline document, prepared before objections were examined, household verification undertaken, or additions and deletions processed. It marked the starting point of the revision, not its conclusion.
The objection phase itself saw limited public participation. A total of just 3,355 objections were filed during the 2002 SIR. Of these, only 1,295 were accepted, while 2,060 were rejected, indicating that most claims did not withstand scrutiny. Consequently, only 1,295 names were deleted through the objection process, underscoring that this route functioned as a controlled filter rather than a tool for mass deletions.
The more significant churn occurred during house-to-house verification. Doorstep checks led to the deletion of 59,199 names, highlighting the central role of field verification in correcting the roll. When combined with deletions arising from objections, total deletions during the exercise amounted to 60,494 names.
Yet the 2002 revision was not a story of contraction. Despite the removal of over sixty thousand names, additions were substantially higher. New registrations through Form 6 accounted for 78,127 voters, while house-to-house verification added another 41,239. In total, 1,19,366 names were added, demonstrating that the SIR aimed not only to eliminate inaccuracies but also to enrol missing eligible voters.
After applying the final calculation draft list minus deletions plus additions the voter roll published at the end of the 2002 SIR stood at 3,17,41,361. Far from shrinking, the roll expanded. The net increase was 58,872 voters, representing a modest rise of 0.19 percent: neither a dramatic surge nor a collapse, but a calibrated expansion following extensive correction.
District-level data reveals where the revision was most intense, with Ahmedabad emerging as the epicentre of activity. The district recorded the highest number of additions in the state at 31,540, followed by Surat with 10,447 and Bharuch with 6,888. Ahmedabad also led in deletions, with 20,682 names removed, followed by Rajkot at 7,025 and Kutch at 5,519. In effect, Ahmedabad shaped the revision from both ends, registering the highest inclusion as well as exclusion, and exerting the greatest electoral impact during the exercise.
RTI responses also clarify why additions rose sharply in 2002 and why migration was not treated as an automatic ground for exclusion. Voters holding EPIC cards but missing from the roll were restored, migrants were added after verification, and new habitats, temporary settlements, and shifting population clusters were incorporated into the voter list. Even voters who had moved were considered following discussions with heads of households, and temporary residents were accommodated. The guiding principle was clear: migration was recognised as a demographic reality to be documented, not a reason to erase a voter’s presence.
It is precisely for this reason that the 2002 SIR figures have returned to the centre of today’s debate. As the current SIR enters its objection phase, concerns are mounting over voters being marked as “shifted,” raising fears of deletions without a clear or timely mechanism for re-enrolment at the new location. The concern is straightforward but serious: if a voter is removed from one constituency due to migration without being seamlessly added elsewhere, the voter does not merely change address but disappears from the electoral roll altogether.
The 2002 SIR data provides a clear benchmark. The draft roll began at 3,16,82,489 voters; total deletions stood at 60,494; total additions reached 1,19,366; and the final roll rose to 3,17,41,361, marking a net gain of 58,872 voters, or 0.19 percent.
As Gujarat’s current draft roll undergoes scrutiny, these historical figures are no longer just records of the past they have become the yardstick against which the fairness, balance, and intent of the present SIR will be assessed.

Gurugram: 41 deaths in 2 years on Delhi-Jaipur highway stretch, reveals RTI

Hindustan Times: Gurugram: Friday, 23 January 2026.
NHAI project director Yogesh Tilak, in reply to the petition filed by resident Yashvendra Yadav, said that the authority is hiring a dedicated contractor to repair and maintain streetlights, and work in this regard will start by March 10.

The NHAI also stated in its reply that streetlights were not
functional in some stretches of the Delhi-Jaipur highway
due to theft of electrical cables and panels. (HT)

At least 41 people have died in accidents on the Delhi-Jaipur highway, between the Kherki Daula toll plaza and Jaisinghpura Kheda at Haryana border, over the past two years, the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) said in reply to an RTI petition. The NHAI also stated in its reply that streetlights were not functional in some stretches of the Delhi-Jaipur highway due to theft of electrical cables and panels.
NHAI project director Yogesh Tilak, in reply to the petition filed by resident Yashvendra Yadav, said that the authority is hiring a dedicated contractor to repair and maintain streetlights, and work in this regard will start by March 10. He said that safety measures and traffic diversion plans are being implemented to prevent accidents.
“Diversions have been constructed by the Contractor as per IRC guidelines. All requisite road safety measures have been implemented, including diversion boards, blinking (Belasco) lights, and proper barricading of work zones,” NHAI said in its reply, a copy of which was accessed by HT.
“Instances of theft of electrical cables, panels, and lighting accessories have been reported. A dedicated agency is being deployed for operation and maintenance of the highway. The tender for operation and maintenance work has been opened and is currently under technical evaluation. The contractor is likely to be mobilized at the site by 10 March 2026,” the reply read, adding that there were 14 flyovers on the stretch and five of them are under construction.
The NHAI director said that an application for an electricity connection has been submitted to Dakshin Haryana Bijli Vitran Nigam (DHBVN) and the lights will be made functional on the flyovers, including the ones under construction, once the sanction is received.

Bus conductor donates Rs 10,000 RTI compensation to Madurai old age home

New Indian Express: Madurai: Friday, 23 January 2026.
The conductor had taken a ticket book from the TNSTC office without recording it in the register and after it was declared invalid, an inquiry was initiated against him.

Sundaramoothy (Red dhoti) donating money to Muneeswaran
Manager of old-age home in Thiru nagar in Madurai city.
Photo | Express)

A bus conductor who received Rs 10,000 as compensation from the Public Information Officer of TNSTC (Madurai) for not responding to his RTI query on time, donated the money to an old-age home in Thiru Nagar.
According to sources, S Sundaramoorthy (40) the conductor from Peraiyur, on November 3, 2020 took a ticket book from the TNSTC office allegedly without recording it in the register. During the trip, a checking inspector declared the ticket book as invalid and initiated an inquiry. against him.
Speaking to TNIE, Sundaramoorthy said “During the inquiry, I was also charged of printing the ticket book on my own and collecting money from passengers. I sought details from the Primary Register of TNSTC (Madurai), which contains a record of all ticket books issued by the stationery division. However, the officials refused.
On January 1, 2023, I filed an RTI application seeking access to the register, but my request was rejected. Despite several months, there was no response from authorities. I then appealed to the State Information Commission in November 2025 and travelled to Chennai for the inquiry. Officials of the State Information Commission determined there had been an unreasonable delay in providing access to the Primary Register and imposed a penalty of Rs 10,000 on the PIO of TNSTC (Madurai) on December 18, 2025. The amount was handed over to me on January 19, 2026.”
“I wanted to do something worthwhile with the money and donated it to an old age home located in Thiru Nagar on January 21, “ he added.

Faulty financial model, corporate capture and data law threaten journalism: PCI president

MokokchungTimes.com: Kohima: Friday, 23 January 2026.
Warning that journalism in India has been in steady decline over the past three decades due to a “faulty financial model” that has allowed corporate and political interests to capture the media, Press Council of India (PCI) President Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty on Tuesday called on the public to actively finance independent media to safeguard democracy.

Press Council of India President Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty
addresses the silver jubilee celebration of the Kohima Press Club
at the Capital Convention Centre in Kohima on Tuesday.

Addressing the silver jubilee celebration of the Kohima Press Club (KPC) at the Capital Convention Centre under the theme “Traversing 25 years of storytelling: Inspiring the future”, Pisharoty said legacy media had largely abandoned public-interest journalism in favour of business and political patronage.
“Over the last 30 years, journalism has only gone downward, and that is mainly because of the faulty financial model of journalism in India. This vacuum was filled by corporate houses. Editors lost their freedom, and legacy media began serving the government of the day at the Centre or in the states rather than the public,” she said.
She said while audiences were drawn into “daily news fights” and prime-time theatrics, “it never spoke about the issues that concerned the people.”
“Worse, we allowed politicians and their families, who have vested interests, to own or finance media houses. Today, the line between journalism and public relations has nearly disappeared,” she said, adding that media houses now perform the role of government publicity “as a quid pro quo for business and political interests.”
Pisharoty cautioned that the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Rules, 2025 posed a serious threat to accountability journalism, arguing that the law had been framed in a manner that weakens the media and dilutes the Right to Information (RTI) Act.
She noted that the bill was passed after the exemption for journalists was removed, and at a time when large sections of the Opposition were suspended from Parliament.
“If tomorrow I file an RTI asking who was given a PWD contract or who the competing bidders were, that information may be denied by citing the DPDP Act. This takes away one crucial level of accountability. The public is being denied information it deserves in a democracy,” she said.
Calling independent journalism “the last line of defence of democracy”, Pisharoty urged citizens to support media not only by reading and sharing stories but by financially contributing, even in small amounts.
“Even if you pay Rs 100 a month, you are supporting democracy. When I worked with The Wire, we asked people to give even Rs 2. News should be free, but don’t take it entirely for free,” she said, adding that public-funded journalism ensured accountability only to citizens and not corporations.
She cited platforms such as Scroll, Newslaundry, The News Minute and EastMojo as examples of alternative models, praising EastMojo for focusing exclusively on the Northeast. “Support such media. It will talk about you. Its allegiance will be to the region,” she said.
Highlighting growing state action against journalists, Pisharoty said the PCI had issued a record number of condemnations in the last two years. She announced plans to set up a legal cell to assist journalists facing cases for their reporting, as well as free training workshops on technology and digital security across the country, including Nagaland.
She also proposed the formation of a federation of elected press clubs, headquartered at the Press Club of India, and invited the Kohima Press Club to join the initiative.
Reflecting on her election as the first woman president of the Press Club of India in its 68-year history, Pisharoty said women journalists in the Northeast had broken glass ceilings much earlier.
“In the Northeast, women have led press clubs and newsrooms long before the country’s largest press club did,” she said, naming editor-owner Mona Lisa Chunky Zabido as one of the region’s trailblazers.
The Kohima Press Club, which has 66 members, marked 25 years of its formation, though journalism in Nagaland dates back to the 1920s. Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio attended the valedictory program as special guest.
“We must join hands now to secure our right to do journalism a right guaranteed by the Constitution and central to keeping citizens at the core of democracy,” Pisharoty said.
Former Vice President of Kohima Press Club (KPC), Vibou Seyie delivering greetings at the Club’s silver jubilee celebration, acknowledged the pioneers and visionary leaders who laid a strong foundation for the organisation.
She said the occasion was a time to introspect on the arduous journey of the Club, from holding meetings in small offices and government departments to becoming a strong institution with a permanent building coming up.
Expressing gratitude to God and the media fraternity, she said the press remains one of the key pillars of democracy.
Sharing nostalgic experiences from her years in journalism, Seyie highlighted the challenges of reporting in earlier days and appreciated the growing participation of women in the media today. She also congratulated the present KPC team led by the President for their achievements and encouraged journalists to continue upholding truth and ethical journalism, adding that the best was yet to come.
Earlier a minute’s silence was observed in memory of the deceased members of Kohima Press Club.
The inaugural event was followed by the Northeast Media Conclave themed “Reimagining Truth: Northeast Journalism for a Changing World” which brought together leading journalists and media professionals from across the region to deliberate on the evolving challenges facing journalism in the digital age.
The first session focused on “Evolving Nature of Media: Ethics under Pressure and Strengthening Credibility in the Age of Misinformation”. Moderated by Medolenuo Ambrocia Loucü of the Kohima Press Club, the session featured speakers Monalisa Changkija (Nagaland), Pradip Phanjoubam (Manipur), Geetartha Pathak (Indian Journalists Union), Karma Paljor (Sikkim), and Raymond Kharmujai (Meghalaya), who highlighted the need for ethical journalism and public trust amid the rise of misinformation.
The second session explored “Journalism as Peace Work: Navigating Divides, Building Bridges and Strengthening the Media Ecosystem in the Northeast”, Moderated by Dhiren A. Sadokpam (Manipur), the panel included Vanlalrema Vantawl (Mizoram), Utpal Parashar (Assam), Ranju Dodum (Arunachal Pradesh), and Debraj Deb (Tripura), who emphasized the role of media in fostering peace, dialogue, and regional cohesion.

Centre may shorten data protection law compliance timeline for Big Tech : Written by Soumyarendra Barik

The Indian Express: New Delhi: Friday, 23 January 2026.
Under the rules, tech companies are required to implement a mechanism for collecting “verifiable” parental consent before processing children’s personal data. A government committee, to be set up to prescribe the types of personal data that would have to be localised within India, could be formed much sooner, it is understood.

The Ministry of Electronics and IT (MeitY) may shorten the timeline for Big Tech companies such as Meta, Google, and Amazon to comply with India’s Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 and other related rules to 12 months from the current 18 months, as the government looks at creating separate compliance regimes for large companies and startups, The Indian Express has learnt. The move, though, could spark a wave of pushback from tech companies.
In particular, provisions that place additional obligations on ‘significant data fiduciaries’ could see fast tracking in terms of compliance timelines, the ministry is understood to have communicated to the industry during a meeting Thursday. A significant data fiduciary will be determined on the basis of the volume and sensitivity of personal data they process, and the risks they might have on India’s sovereignty and integrity, electoral democracy, security, and public order. Tech majors including Meta, Google, Apple, Microsoft, and Amazon are expected to be classified as significant data fiduciaries.
These specific provisions require tech companies to carry out a yearly data protection impact assessment, and verify that technical measures including their algorithmic software that deal with handling personal data don’t violate users’ rights. More notably, under the rules, the Centre will specify the kind of personal data which can be processed by “significant data fiduciaries” subject to the restriction that such personal data and traffic data related to its flow is not transferred outside the territory of India. All these provisions could now be operationalised in 12 months, as opposed to the earlier prescribed 18 months, with the ministry expected to bring an amendment to the data protection rules.
A government committee, to be set up to prescribe the types of personal data that would have to be localised within India, could be formed much sooner, it is understood.
The changes are being made to create a compliance gradient between bigger companies and smaller startups, with the idea being that the former already comply with strict privacy laws like those in Europe, and as a result have more institutional bandwidth to comply with India’s law. Last year, responding to a question by The Indian Express, Union IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw had said, “It is right that big companies already follow laws like Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). We will compress the timeline. We will amend the law”.
Queries sent to the IT Ministry remained unanswered until publication.
Last year, the IT Ministry had notified the long awaited data protection rules, paving the way for India to have a functional privacy law, eight years after the Supreme Court ruled it as a fundamental right. The notification of the rules came over two years after the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act received the President’s assent in August 2023.
Under the rules, tech companies are required to implement a mechanism for collecting “verifiable” parental consent before processing children’s personal data.
Effectively, the government has refrained from proposing a mechanism from its side, and has left it to the companies to adopt a system of their choice, after social media companies complained that it could be a difficult provision to implement.
In the event of a data breach, data fiduciaries will have to intimate impacted individuals “without delay” a description of the breach, including its nature, extent and the timing and location of its occurrence; the consequences relevant to the impacted user, that are likely to arise from the breach; and the measures implemented and being implemented to mitigate risk among other things. The penalty for failing to have adequate safeguards for preventing a data breach could go as high as Rs 250 crore.
The Act had come under scrutiny for granting wide-ranging exem­p­tions to the government or its agencies while processing citizens’ personal data on grounds of ‘national security’, ‘friendly relations with other states’, and ‘public order’, among other things. It was also called into question over allegedly diluting the RTI Act. The Indian Express had earlier reported that apart from the civil society, even government’s think tank NITI Aayog had also raised concerns over the potential weakening of the RTI Act.

DIP Refutes Reports Claiming RTI Portal Is Non-Functional

Goemkarponn: Panaji: Friday, 23 January 2026.
The Department of Information and Publicity (DIP) has strongly refuted reports published in sections of the local media claiming that the RTI online portal implemented by the department is non-functional and that the department is unaware of the issue, terming the reports as misleading and false.

In a clarification issued on January 21, 2026, the DIP stated that the RTI online portal (rtionline.goa.gov.in) has been functioning properly. The department clarified that the portal was designed and developed by the National Informatics Centre (NIC) and is maintained by the same agency. The portal facilitates citizens in filing RTI applications, first appeals and making online payments of RTI fees.
The department further stated that in line with the objectives of the Right to Information Act, 2005, the portal aims to promote transparency and accountability in the functioning of public authorities. Since its launch, the portal has received a total of 2,634 RTI applications, 424 first appeals and 34 second appeals.
Placing the latest data on record, the DIP informed that up to January 20, 2026 alone, the portal received 170 online RTI applications and 20 first appeals, contradicting the claims made in the reports. The department asserted that these figures clearly indicate that the portal is operational.
The DIP expressed regret that no journalists contacted the concerned officials for information or clarification regarding the RTI portal before publishing the said news items.
The department also informed that applicants facing any difficulty while filing RTI applications can contact the department directly or write to the designated helpline email for assistance.

Trade Secrets and the Right to Information Act, 2005: Balancing Transparency with Confidentiality

Legal Service India: Article: Friday, 23 January 2026.
Understanding how Indian law balances the Right to Information with protection of confidential business data

In a modern regulatory state, transparency and accountability are essential for good governance. The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) empowers citizens to seek information from public authorities and promotes openness in decision-making. At the same time, the law recognizes that not all information can be disclosed. Certain categories especially trade secrets and commercial confidences require protection to preserve fair competition, innovation, and economic interests. The interaction between trade secrets and the RTI Act therefore raises an important legal question: How far does the right to know extend when it conflicts with the right to protect confidential business information?
Meaning of Trade Secrets
A trade secret refers to information that is not generally known or readily accessible, derives independent commercial value from its secrecy, and is protected by reasonable measures to maintain its confidentiality; such information may include manufacturing processes, formulas, algorithms, pricing strategies, client lists, technical know-how, and proprietary research data.
In India, although there is no standalone legislation specifically governing trade secrets, protection is afforded through contract law by way of confidentiality and non-disclosure agreements, principles of equity and common law, and consistent judicial precedents that recognize breach of confidence as an actionable civil wrong.
Object and Scope of the RTI Act, 2005
The RTI Act seeks to promote transparency and accountability in public authorities, reduce corruption, and empower citizens to participate meaningfully in democracy. However, the right to information is not absolute. Section 8 of the Act provides specific exemptions where disclosure of information is restricted to protect larger public interests such as security, privacy, and sensitive government functions.
Trade Secrets under the RTI Act
Section 8(1)(d) of the Right to Information Act, 2005 is the principal provision governing the protection of trade secrets and commercially sensitive information. It exempts from disclosure information relating to commercial confidence, trade secrets, or intellectual property where such disclosure would harm the competitive position of a third party. The intent of this provision is to strike a balance between the citizen’s right to information and the need to protect legitimate commercial interests from unfair exposure through the RTI mechanism.
From this provision, three essential elements clearly emerge. First, the information sought must fall within the category of commercial confidence, trade secrets, or intellectual property. Second, its disclosure must be likely to cause harm to the competitive position of a third party. Third, even where these conditions are satisfied, the exemption is not absolute, as disclosure may still be directed if the competent authority is convinced that a larger public interest outweighs the potential commercial harm.
Role of “Third Party” and Section 11
Where the information sought relates to a third party, such as a private company dealing with the government, Section 11 of the RTI Act requires the Public Information Officer to give notice to the third party, allow it an opportunity to object, and carefully consider those objections. This process ensures procedural fairness before any trade-sensitive or confidential information is disclosed.
Public Interest Override
The RTI Act places overriding importance on public interest. Courts and Information Commissions have held that even trade secrets may be disclosed when they involve public health or safety, environmental protection, misuse of public funds, or corruption and regulatory violations. However, mere curiosity or personal interest of an applicant does not qualify as “larger public interest” under the Act.
Judicial and Administrative Approach
Indian courts and Information Commissions follow a balanced approach in RTI matters. They protect genuine trade secrets and commercially sensitive information, while discouraging blanket or routine claims of confidentiality by public authorities. Disclosure is denied only when real competitive harm is shown. Information given to the government by private entities remains confidential unless a larger public interest clearly justifies disclosure.
Practical Examples
Under the RTI Act, detailed technical drawings, proprietary formulas, and internal pricing strategies submitted in tenders are generally protected from disclosure. However, information such as names of successful bidders, broad contract terms, performance standards, and details on use of public funds is disclosable, so long as core trade secrets are not revealed, ensuring transparency without harming commercial viability.
Challenges and Concerns
One major challenge under the RTI framework is the absence of a dedicated trade secrets law in India. This lack of statutory clarity often results in inconsistent interpretations by Public Information Officers, Information Commissions, and courts. In the absence of uniform standards, decisions depend heavily on case-specific judicial reasoning, which can create uncertainty for both information seekers and private entities dealing with the government.
Another concern is the tendency of some public authorities to over-classify information and invoke Section 8(1)(d) as a routine ground for denial, even where no real commercial harm exists. Additionally, rapid technological developments pose fresh challenges. Digital data, algorithms, software codes, and AI models involve complex and sensitive information, making it increasingly difficult to balance transparency with the need to protect confidential and proprietary interests under the RTI regime.
Relevant Judicial Pronouncements
Indian courts have consistently emphasized that exemptions under the RTI Act must be applied cautiously and not as a matter of routine. In CBSE v. Aditya Bandopadhyay (2011), the Supreme Court underlined the importance of transparency in public administration while recognizing that confidential and sensitive information deserves protection. Similarly, in Bihar Public Service Commission v. Saiyed Hussain Abbas Rizwi (2012), the Court held that Section 8 exemptions must be strictly construed and balanced against the larger public interest.
Information Commissions have echoed this approach by discouraging blanket claims of commercial confidence. They have repeatedly held that Section 8(1)(d) can be invoked only when there is a clear likelihood of competitive harm. Mere labelling of information as confidential or commercially sensitive is insufficient unless supported by reasons and evidence.
Conclusion
The relationship between trade secrets and the RTI Act reflects a careful balance between the citizen’s right to know and the need to protect confidential business information. The RTI Act does not weaken trade secret protection; instead, it safeguards genuine commercial secrets while permitting disclosure only in rare cases where overriding public interest clearly demands it. Transparency remains the general rule, while secrecy operates as a limited exception. Trade secrets are thus recognised and respected under the RTI framework, subject always to higher considerations of public welfare, accountability, and justice.

Current Gujarat SIR records voter deletions on a scale unseen in 2002, reveals RTI reply

Counterview: Ahmedabad: Friday, 23 January 2026.
The scale of voter deletions during the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Gujarat marks a sharp departure from the pattern observed during the previous full-scale SIR conducted in 2001–02, official records indicate.

According to data obtained by senior activist Alpesh Bhavsar under the Right to Information Act and detailed in official records from the 2002 SIR, Gujarat had 3,16,82,489 voters in the draft electoral roll published in August 2001. During the seven-month-long revision process, 60,494 names were deleted through objections and house-to-house verification, while 1,19,366 names were added through new registrations and field verification. The final electoral roll published in April 2002 stood at 3,17,41,361 voters, reflecting a net increase of 58,872 voters, or 0.19 percent growth over the draft list.
In contrast, the current SIR exercise has resulted in a large net reduction in the voter base. Official figures released after publication of the draft rolls in December 2025 show that Gujarat’s electorate declined from about 5.08 crore voters to approximately 4.34 crore, indicating that around 73.73 lakh names have been removed during the present revision process. This represents a contraction of roughly 14–15 percent of the total electorate, far exceeding any deletions recorded in earlier SIR exercises.
The comparison highlights a significant difference not only in scale but also in outcome. In 2002, deletions were substantially outweighed by additions, with nearly twice as many voters added as removed, resulting in overall expansion of the voter list. The 2002 revision also explicitly provided for re-inclusion of voters who possessed EPIC cards but were found missing from the rolls, as well as migrants, temporary residents, and new settlements identified during door-to-door verification.
Official documentation from 2002 shows that major urban districts such as Ahmedabad, Surat and Bharuch recorded the highest net additions, while deletions remained geographically limited and numerically modest. The entire process was spread over several months, allowing for claims, objections and corrections before finalisation.
By contrast, the current SIR has classified large numbers of voters under categories such as “shifted,” “not traceable,” “duplicate” and “deceased,” leading to mass provisional deletions that are now under objection and verification. Political parties and civil society groups have raised concerns over the scale and speed of the process, arguing that the magnitude of deletions is unprecedented in Gujarat’s electoral history.
The final impact of the present SIR will only be known after completion of the claims and objections process and publication of the final electoral roll. However, a comparison with the 2002 SIR shows that while the earlier exercise resulted in marginal growth and wider inclusion, the current revision has produced one of the largest net reductions in registered voters ever recorded in the state.

Sambhajinagar bench of information commission sees 10 per cent rise in complaint redressal in 2025

Times of India: Aurangabad: Thursday, 22 January 2026.

The Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar bench of the State Information Commission (SIC) witnessed a roughly 10% rise in redressal of complaints in 2025, significantly reducing its backlog compared to the previous year.
According to an official release, the bench successfully reduced its pending complaints from 165 at the end of 2024 to just 51 by the end of 2025. Additionally, the bench disposed of 10,783 second appeals filed under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005. This improved performance brought the total pendency of second appeals down to 3,946 by the close of the year.
Under the RTI Act, Section 18 governs the handling of complaints, while Section 19 deals with second appeals.
Divisional information commissioner Prakash Indalkar credited the bench's efficiency to strategic administrative planning and a public-centric approach. "The Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar bench emphasized the swift and transparent disposal of cases. Disciplined hearing schedules, streamlined operations, and effective use of technology were key factors in clearing the backlog of appeals and complaints," the release quoted Indalkar as saying.
He further emphasised that the primary objective of the SIC is to ensure citizens receive timely justice. "Moving forward, we will maintain continuous efforts to minimize pending cases and ensure the effective implementation of the Transparency Act," he added.
With these results, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar now boasts the second-lowest pendency of second appeals among the nine SIC benches in Maharashtra. The Greater Mumbai bench holds the best record with the lowest pendency at 3,722 cases.
In contrast, the Nashik bench reported the highest backlog with 13,588 pending second appeals, followed by Amaravati (12,786) and the Mumbai bench (11,541), according to official data.

Arunachal: APIC imposes Rs 25,000 penalty on RWD engineer for RTI violations

The Sentinel: Itanagar: Thursday, 22 January 2026.
The Arunachal Pradesh Information Commission (APIC) imposed a penalty of Rs 25,000 on (PIO) for gross violations of the Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005, and warned of stricter action

The Arunachal Pradesh Information Commission (APIC) on Tuesday imposed a penalty of Rs 25,000 on a public information officer (PIO) for gross violations of the Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005, and warned of stricter action, including disciplinary proceedings or an arrest warrant, if compliance is not ensured.
According to an official release from the Commission, the penalty has been levied on PIO-cum-Executive Engineer Rido Allo of the Palin/Jamin division in Kra Daadi district for failing to adhere to the provisions of the RTI Act. The order was issued under APIC case numbers 708/A/2025 and 709/A/2025. The Commission directed the officer to deposit the penalty amount in favour of the Registrar, APIC, through a treasury challan under the Head of Account "0070 - Other Administrative Charge" on or before 20 February. Proof of payment must be submitted along with the complete information sought by the appellant on the next date of hearing.
The APIC cautioned that failure to comply will invite further action under Section 20(2) of the RTI Act, including recommendations for disciplinary measures and the issuance of an arrest warrant under Section 18(3)(a) to compel attendance before the Commission.

A private state, a public you; The State claims privacy for PM-CARES and Ministers’ messages while law lets it break into your phone. This one-way transparency makes secrecy a privilege of power. : Saurav Das

Frontline Magazine: New Delhi: Thursday, 22 January 2026.

The Delhi High Court recently remarked that the PM-CARES
Fund, even if it is a State, even if it is a government entity, does
not lose its “right to privacy” merely because it is managed and
controlled by the government. In the picture, commuters at
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus, Mumbai, on
February 3, 2021. | Photo Credit: VIVEK BENDRE

The Delhi High Court recently said something that should have triggered alarm across a country that once celebrated the Right to Information Act as a democratic milestone. The court orally remarked that the PM-CARES Fund, even if it is a State, even if it is a government entity, does not lose its “right to privacy” merely because it is managed and controlled by the government.
The PM-CARES Fund (Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situations Fund) is a public charitable trust established in 2020 for responding to emergencies like the COVID-19 pandemic. It is chaired by the Prime Minister, with other Ministers acting as trustees.
The remark of the bench, consisting of Chief Justice Devendra Kumar Upadhyaya and Justice Tejas Karia, is not the final verdict. But in a constitutional democracy like India, remarks are not harmless. They are often rehearsal speeches for the judgment that follows. More importantly, they reveal what an institution is beginning to feel in its bones.
By making this remark, the two judges collapse three distinct concepts into one. Privacy, which exists as a right of the individual against the State. Confidentiality, which may apply in limited contexts but only after satisfying strict statutory and public-interest tests. And secrecy, which is an exception to democratic governance, not its norm, and certainly not a constitutional right. By treating these as interchangeable, the judges’ remark effectively elevates secrecy into a constitutional value. Yet the right to privacy was recognised to protect personal choices, intimate decisions, and personal data that form part of an individual’s identity—not to shield public power from scrutiny.
This remark arrives in a familiar landscape. The Delhi High Court, in August 2025, held that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s educational qualifications—including his degree and marks—are “personal information” protected from disclosure under Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act. This section exempts personal information from disclosure, unless there is a greater public interest in its disclosure.
On one side, privacy for those in high power. On the other hand, as unfolding events detailed below show, transparency and invasion for the people.
In 2025, the proposed Income Tax Bill, which will come into effect from April this year, gave us the chilling phrase: “virtual digital space” and the legal power for tax authorities to override access codes to enter it. E-mails, servers, cloud storage, social media, digital wallets, and more are all defined as such a space. The intent is not subtle. If an officer suspects tax evasion, the Bill authorises breaking into a person’s “virtual digital space”.
While the government argues that such powers existed even earlier, that it merely “recognises” it now, it still raises questions of safeguards, overreach, and constitutionality. But beyond these questions, people have also started asking about this State that wants your passwords, while refusing to answer how publicly collected donations were used by it.
The State’s new hunger
It is easy to sell the new Income Tax provision as a weapon against the ultra-rich. But law is never a story about intentions alone. It is a story about design and drift. Once a power exists, it seeks use, which becomes a habit, and then seeks expansion.
If the past 11-year history has taught us anything—or for that matter, what the ED did in West Bengal against the Trinamool Congress, where it raided the party strategist’s office in a six-year-old cold-storaged case, allegedly to “steal” the party’s strategy before the crucial State election—is that such powers are seldom used to meet good ends.
The fact that such sweeping powers without any safeguards and a tardy justice system will be “recognised” in law now is reason enough to suspect it.
Thanks to social media, the public’s response, especially among salaried Indians drowning in income tax, TDS, GST, VAT, cess, and a daily experience of collapsing civic services, has been rage and bitter humour. The tone is familiar: taxed like a first-world country, serviced like a failed one.

The purpose of this RTI was narrow: will these
public representatives subject themselves to the same
scrutiny that they impose on the people? The replies
were revealing. | Photo Credit: Saurav Das

Surveillance does not arrive alone. It arrives alongside systems like NATGRID—India’s integrated data-sharing platform for the police and investigating agencies to access government and private databases in real-time, which is now expanding in scale and usage. A recent report notes that NATGRID is processing around 45,000 requests a month, and its access is being widened beyond central agencies to every police station. The National Population Register, which has the family-wise details of 119 crore residents in India, has been linked to NATGRID too.
These are not abstract developments. They are a choice about what kind of republic we are becoming. Many asked, “If you can look into our phones, can we look into yours?”
In this context, this author filed a simple set of RTIs. If the State can legally break into the citizen’s “virtual digital space” messages, e-mails, social media on suspicion of evasion, then Ministers who govern the taxpayer and under whom so many irregularities continue to occur, ought to answer a basic question: what records exist of their official communications on private messaging platforms? WhatsApp. Signal. Other apps.
 
Will they be willing to share their data too, for people who “suspect” their work to break in and probe?
The RTI application, filed with the offices of the Prime Minister, the Home Minister, and the Finance Minister (the one who brought in the Bill) stated: “Kindly furnish the chat records (of WhatsApp, Signal, and any other messaging applications as used) of the phone used by… [each of them] for giving official orders to their officers. The record of the past 1 year may kindly be furnished in any format as available”.
The redaction of messages related to national security was proactively sought for. The purpose of this RTI was narrow: will these public representatives subject themselves to the same scrutiny that they impose on the people?
The replies were revealing. The Prime Minister’s Office dismissed the query as “speculative and roving in nature,” and asserted that it does not constitute “information” under Section 2(f) of the RTI Act. The Home Ministry’s reply, sent in Hindi, said that the information sought falls within a protected category under the RTI Act, Section 8(1)(j), and is “personal information” of a “third-party” and hence, exempt from disclosure. Regarding the Finance Minister, the Ministry of Electronics and IT (Cyber Law division) responded, in effect, that no such information is available in its records.
These responses raise a question that should unsettle any democratic mind: how does a government govern without maintaining records of the communications by which it governs? And even otherwise, why not the same level of transparency when it comes to decision-makers?
The court’s gift to power and its own opacity
This is where the Delhi High Court’s PM-CARES Fund remark becomes more than a passing curiosity. The High Court’s remark on privacy once imagined as a shield for the vulnerable individual means that privacy has begun to travel upward, attaching itself to the State’s own creations.
In that sense, despite the PM-CARES Fund being run by the highest constitutional functionaries, performing quintessentially public functions using public donations, and being granted 100 per cent tax exemption at the cost of the public exchequer, the Delhi High Court’s remark is simply power laundering itself through constitutional language.
This cannot be seen in isolation since a republic does not collapse in one grand blow. It collapses after a thousand cuts of various intensities. One such blow is when the citizen is asked to be transparent while the State is permitted to be private.
This inversion is not confined to the executive but has been practised grotesquely by the judiciary for the longest period. In this author’s case before the Delhi High Court challenging the Supreme Court Registry’s refusal to share even basic information about misconduct complaints against former Acting Chief Justice of Madras High Court, T. Raja, the Supreme Court’s counsel repeatedly avoided answering a “yes or no” question: were any complaints received at all?
Instead, the counsel fell back on an astonishing claim: “such information is not maintained.” The hearing has been adjourned, with written submissions sought, and the matter listed again.
This remark, also on the Supreme Court Registry’s affidavit, should be looked at as an institutional confession. If the Supreme Court, which runs the collegium system, which oversees the in-house mechanism, which is the apex custodian of judicial integrity, claims it does not maintain even the existence of complaints—then what is the accountability mechanism, really? A ritual? A private exchange of letters? A whisper network among the powerful? He-said-she-said is all that there is.
Here too, opacity becomes a mode of governance. And if that is the institutional posture, on what moral or constitutional authority can a judge born of the same system crack the whip and compel transparency from bodies like the PM-CARES Fund, as the law itself demands?
An institution that routinely instructs citizens to respect the rule of law appears strikingly comfortable functioning without the most elementary documentary trail that makes accountability possible.
Audits that scream
The point here is that people might finally be seeing through this duplicity of the State and its institutions. Social media is flooded with posts urging Indians to “travel abroad to realise what a scam India is”, usually in reference to the country’s crumbling infrastructure and poor public amenities.
It is not as though people are unwilling to be transparent or not pay taxes. They are simply failing to see the benefit. What happens to the taxpayer’s money?
A case in point is what happened recently with the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY), which was launched in 2015. The government’s auditor, CAG, exposed a catalogue of systemic irregularities in this skill development initiative scheme of the Government of India.

These responses raise a question that should
unsettle any democratic mind: how does a
government govern without maintaining records
 of the communications by which it governs?
| Photo Credit: Saurav Das

The government released Rs.10,194 crore to the implementing agencies and provided skill certification to 1.10 crore beneficiaries officially. The performance audit revealed that the scheme’s databases allowed phantom entries, invalid bank details, duplicated accounts, and serious foundational failures of integrity.
Bank account details for 94.5 per cent of beneficiary records were invalid or blank. Even among the remaining entries, the same 12,122 account numbers were reused for 52,381 different names, suggesting large-scale ghost or proxy beneficiaries.
Auditors found absurd entries like “11111111111” or “123456” entered as account numbers, or random text and special characters in place of account information. The scathing CAG report bluntly stated that the scheme’s database “did not provide adequate assurance about the identity of participants”.
The CAG noted with concern that the implementing Union ministry provided no information on efforts to trace or pay these “candidates”, raising suspicion that many never existed or could not be reached due to bogus records.
Although most media outlets missed calling a spade a spade, the opposition called it a “massive scam” and demanded an investigation. Instead of jumping into action, the government has remained mum. This reflects a broader trend of impunity, where financial opacity persists because those responsible are rarely held accountable.
The Leader of Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, highlighting another tragic death of a young man due to civic failure, tweeted today: “India’s urban collapse isn’t about lack of money, technology, or solutions. It’s about lack of accountability. TINA: There Is No Accountability.” Indeed, heads ought to have rolled by now.
It is for these reasons alone why tax-paying citizens feel mocked, and agitated, when asked to surrender passwords to a tax officer who would go through every intimate part of their private lives to ensure they have honestly paid their “due”.

Social media is flooded with posts urging Indians
to  “travel abroad to realise what a scam India is”,
usually in reference to the country’s crumbling
infrastructure and poor public amenities. In the
picture, a road near ITO Chowk in New Delhi,
on September 15, 2025. | Photo Credit:
SUSHIL KUMAR VERMA

The demand is not merely invasive. It is actually morally offensive because the State does not show the same ferocity towards its own leakages, towards corruption, irregularities, and fraud. The Lokpal was sold as the republic’s anti-corruption conscience but its record, and the opacity around it, tells a diametrically opposite story.
Now, rights for the State
Then came something even more philosophically revealing: the Supreme Court’s decision to entertain the Enforcement Directorate’s (ED) Article 32 petition in its clash with the West Bengal government and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.
Article 32 is the Constitution’s most sacred promise to citizens: the right to approach the Supreme Court for enforcement of fundamental rights. Yet here, a coercive arm of the State, the ED, invoked it. Despite objections that a State agency could not file an Article 32 petition as it is only available to a citizen, the Supreme Court spoke of “lawlessness” if it did not intervene and went ahead to issue a notice.
So, the State’s agency arrives at the Court not merely as an investigator, but almost as a rights-bearing entity, seeking constitutional protection, seeking the court’s extraordinary jurisdiction. It is simply bizarre.
Fundamental rights were meant to restrain the State. When State agencies begin to occupy the posture of the rights-holder, the Constitution’s geometry changes. The citizen is no longer the centre of gravity. Now read this in the context of courts increasingly willing to frame privacy as a shield for powerful institutions, whether it is a leader’s academic record, or a government-linked corpus.
The one-way republic
What should a constitutional democracy do instead? A democracy does not collapse because the State wants to fight tax evasion. It collapses when it fights evasion by treating the citizen as inherently suspect while treating itself as inherently exempt from the same norms.
If the State wants deeper access to citizens’ private digital lives, it must accept deeper public scrutiny of its own communications, records, and accountability structures.
Ministers issuing official orders on private messaging platforms must maintain records and disclose what can be disclosed. Courts must resist the temptation to gift privacy as a cloak to entities created by power. The judiciary must not operate accountability mechanisms as black boxes and then demand public trust after forgetting that trust is earned, not ordered.
Right now, the direction of travel is clear: privacy and secrecy are rising upwards, towards power, and transparency and exposure are flowing downwards, towards the people. A republic cannot survive this for long.
(Saurav Das is an investigative journalist writing on law, judiciary, crime, and policy.)